Mr. Pruyn to Mr. Seward
Sir: It now becomes my painful duty to inform you that the hostility of the daimios, which thus far has only ventured on day attacks, when surrounded by a thousand associates, on unarmed men and women, and more frequently sought the cover of night for their assaults, has culminated in separate attacks on vessels bearing the flag of the United States, Holland, and France.
[Page 1130]On the afternoon of the 25th ultimo the Pembroke, a small merchant steamer owned by the American house of Russell & Co., in China, in charge of a government pilot, anchored near the straits, of Simonoseki which separate the islands of Kinsin and Niphon at the western entrance of the inland sea, the state of the tide not permitting her then passing through the straits.
In the afternoon, while carrying the United States flag, she passed a Japanese armed bark, under the national flag, which bark, immediately after the steamer had come to anchor, passed her and also anchored near the eastern entrance of the straits. Shortly thereafter a signal gun was fired from a shore battery, which was repeated at several points along the coast.
At 1 a. m. of the next day the bark commenced firing into the Pembroke; and shortly after, the brig Laurick, of 10 guns, passed the steamer, her crew shouting as she passed by, and anchoring near the hark, also opened with her guns on the Pembroke.
It was, fortunately, quite dark; the steamer having her fires banked, speedily got up steam, and retracing her way a short distance, went to sea through the Bungo channel, which opens into the Pacific towards the south, abandoning her voyage to Nagasaki.
I received intelligence of this on the evening of the 11th instant through a governor for foreign affairs, despatched from Yedo, at which place it was said the steamer had been sunk; whether this information was the result of wilful misrepresentation, or given through mistake arising from the darkness of the night, I cannot say. The fact that the Pembroke was an American vessel was well known.
Later in the evening I received a letter from Russell & Co., accompanied by affidavits of the captain and other officers of the Pembroke, giving a pretty full statement of the affair.
I transmit Nos. 1 and 2, copies of Nos. 1 and 2, the affidavit and statement of loss.
Early the next day I sent for the governor and read the affidavit to him, and calling his attention to the fact that these vessels carried the Japanese government flag, I asked whether they were government vessels. He informed me that they belonged to Matsudaira Daizen No Daiboo Juishi No Shoshu, Prince of Mowori and Nagato, and that I was correct in saying that a regulation was in existence requiring the vessels owned by daimios to carry the prince’s flag at the fore.
I made known the claim which had been presented by Russell & Co. for damages, and said that the insult offered to our flag was a far more serious matter, for which ample satisfaction would be demanded.
I stated that I purposed visiting Nagasaki in the Wyoming, and on my return would expect to receive a communication from the Japanese government in relation to this serious offence.
I had requested Commander McDougal, of the Wyoming, to be present at this interview. At its close we had a conference as to the proper course to pursue, and I was gratified to find he had decided to proceed instantly to the straits for the purpose of seizing, and, if needful, destroying the two vessels. This course was one which I felt could not safely be avoided, and I was gratified to find such entire accordance in the views of Commander McDougal and myself.
Aware of the grave responsibility assumed, I hasten to make known the considerations which influenced my judgment.
You will have observed, by reference to copies of proclamations which I have heretofore transmitted, that the daimios had been required to place their territories in a state of defence. They had also been invited to rally around the Tycoon and aid in the expulsion of foreigners.
The government, through subordinate officers, whose declarations could [Page 1131] be easily disavowed, declared the Tycoon was under duress, and that these proclamations did not reflect his real sentiments.
The Prince of Nagato was evidently carrying out in good faith the orders of the Mikado and the Tycoon. In doing so he had used the national flag. His acts, if justified by the government, constituted war; if disavowed, were acts of piracy.
Information regarded as reliable had been communicated by merchants of Osacca that the retainers of this prince, of Tosa, and of Satsuma, had engaged in conflict with those of the Tycoon. A few days before, formal application by the government, through Sakai Hida-no-Kami, a vice-minister, had been made for the Wyoming to carry troops to Osacca for the defence of the Tycoon. I had in reply offered the services of that vessel, if required, for the purpose of bringing the Tycoon from that city to Yedo, but had stated that it was utterly impossible to place her under the Japanese flag, and in the sole charge (except that her engineers were to be retained) of Japanese officers and seamen, as desired. The same result attended similar applications made to the ministers of France and Great Britain, and finally two British merchant steamers, the Radyah and Elgin, chartered for the purpose, left this port for Osacca, loaded with troops, the one on the 11th and the other on the 13th instant.
There was good reason, therefore, for believing, particularly as it was conceded that this daimio was at heart very hostile to the Tycoon and his foreign policy, that his chastisement would not only be not unacceptable to the government, but of great aid to the Tycoon in breaking the influence and strength of the hostile daimios. On the other hand, it appeared to me that if the outrage was not promptly punished, great encouragement would be given to the hostile daimios, and our inaction attributed either to fear or weakness; and then an alliance be formed by them, which would eventuate in hostilities with all Japan.
Nor could I be unmindful of the fact that our domestic difficulties were well known to the Japanese government and people; that many publications had been issued, and had an extensive circulation, giving accounts of our battles, and especially of our iron-clads. And there was great reason to apprehend, that the failure to act with energy would be attributed to our inability to act at all; and that, instead of being respected for calmly awaiting the action of the government, our position in Japan would become precarious, our people be liable to insult and injury, and our government regarded as either too powerless to protect its citizens, or as being obliged to postpone the punishment of outrages on them until again at peace at home.
You will remember, also, that in February I was informed a civil war was apprehended, and asked whether the United States would give the Tycoon assistance. This very prince was one of those then named as among the most hostile. It appeared to me the time had arrived when such assistance could be incidentally given, and be of value, while vindicating the honor of our flag.
I have thus briefly stated my conclusions, though subsequent outrages committed by the same prince, and the satisfaction with which the operations of the Wyoming have been received, both by foreigners and native officials,* have amply vindicated the propriety of our course.
I had intended to accompany the Wyoming, but being quite unwell at the time, my physician thought it was not prudent for me to do so.
[Page 1132]On the morning of the 13th instant the Wyoming proceeded to sea, bound for the straits of Simonoseki, about 600 miles distant, in charge of two pilots furnished by the government.
On the 15th instant, intelligence was received by the French minister that his Imperial Majesty’s steam gunboat Keinchang, of four guns, had been fired into by the same ships and by batteries on shore, and had reached Nagasaki almost in a sinking condition.
Rear-Admiral Jaures, with the Semiramis steam-frigate of 35 guns, and the Tancrede, of four guns, got under way on the morning of the 16th instant; fortunately, when just out of the harbor, speaking his Netherland Majesty’s steamship Medusa, of sixteen guns, which had been fired into on the 11th instant in the same straits, and receiving from Captain de Casembroot charts showing the position of the vessels and batteries.
On the arrival of the Medusa we learned that she had left Nagasaki on the 10th instant with Dde’Graeff van Polebroek, esq., the Netherland acting consul general, on board, and had met the Keinchang and learned of the attack on that vessel. Not supposing it possible that the Dutch flag, which had been so well known in Japan for 250 years, would be fired on, the Medusa entered the straits from the westward, with her men, however, at quarters, and on approaching the large island at the entrance of the straits, heard a signal of two guns fired from a battery on the island, which was repeated by eight guns at distant points. Immediately after leaving the cover of the island she was fired on by the two vessels which I have before described, and received the fire of six batteries while passing, during a period of 1½ hour. The Medusa can only steam six knots an hour, and as the tide was running out at five knots, her progress was slow. She was hulled fourteen times, and had four men killed and five wounded.
Five of the shots were very near the water-line, and she had a very narrow escape from destruction. During this entire action the Japanese vessels showed no other flag than that of the prince.
The Medusa returned the fire of the batteries and ships with promptitude and animation. The loss of life is supposed to have been heavy, although not positively known.
The existence of these formidable batteries, each of at least three guns, (12, 24, and 32 pounders,) lining the north side of the straits, cut out of the precipitous rock about 70 feet above the water, skilfully masked, and most admirably served, made me feel very anxious for the safety of the Wyoming. Her mission was, under any circumstances, bold and daring. The naval officers of all nations, now at this port, expressed fears for her safety.
I had been quite glad that no offers of assistance had been made by the British or French admiral. It is unnecessary to say to you that I felt precluded from asking any.
My anxiety was relieved by the return of the Wyoming early in the morning of the 20th instant.
From a copy of the report to the Secretary of the Navy, with which I have been furnished by Commander McDougal, it appears he entered the straits on the 16th instant, from the eastward, passing up the Bungo channel. When the Wyoming was seen approching, a signal gun was fired from the first battery. As she rounded the point the steamer Lancefield, of four guns, the brig Lanrick, of ten guns, and a bark of four guns, were seen anchored opposite the village of Simonoseki. All six of the batteries fired on the Wyoming as she steamed past them, carrying the national flag after the first battery had fired—the Wyoming reserving fire till she reached the ships.
By skilfully avoiding the main channel on which the guns of the batteries were trained, and keeping close to the batteries, the shot and shell mostly passed over the vessel, only damaging the rigging. Approaching the [Page 1133] vessels, against the remonstrances of the Japanese pilots, who declared he would run aground, Captain McDougal carried the Wyoming between the bark and brig, on the one side, and the steamer on the other, receiving from and delivering broadsides into each of the ships. It was at this point the Wyoming was most under fire. Putting the ship about, he sent three 11-inch shells into the Lancefield, the last of which exploded her boilers, and she was then run aground. The brig Lanrick was sinking as the Wyoming left, and the bark badly injured. The Wyoming then returned through the straits, pouring shot and shell into the batteries. The steamer Lancefield had the Japanese flag at the peak, but quickly lowered it. The other vessels carried both the flag of Japan and that of the prince.
I regret to have to say that this success was attended with the loss of four seamen killed and seven wounded, one of whom has since died.
The loss would have been much more severe had it not been for the skill and judgment shown by Captain McDougal in avoiding the usual route by the main channel. The guns on the batteries were depressed so as to strike the hull of passing ships at that point, and stakes were set up near the guns, giving the range, so that each gun could be fired as the foremast of the ship came in range with the stake at the gun.
The Lancefield was a fine iron steamer, of near 600 tons, purchased of the English firm of Jardine, Mattheson & Co., for the sum of $115,000; and the brig Lanrick, formerly in the opium trade, pierced for 18 guns, though carrying only 10, was purchased of the same firm for $20,000. The bark was built by the Prince of Thizen, and sold by him to the Prince of Nagato.
The officers of the custom-house were overheard (as I am informed by the consul general of the Netherlands) by one of his employes to say that when the boiler of the Lancefield exploded 40 men were killed, being scalded or suffocated.
This morning Admiral Jaures returned in the Semiramis. He reached the straits on the morning of the 20th instant, but as his frigate was very heavy, did not enter the straits. The Tancrede only reached a point opposite the first three batteries. Apprized of their existence, the admiral anchored outside, and, landing a force of 150 men under the cover of his guns, seized and destroyed one of the batteries, blew up a powder magazine, and daimio’s residence near the entrance, and burned the small village of Amidagamune, in which several thousand horse and foot soldiers were stationed, who made but a feeble resistance.
In one of the batteries a European work was found, marked at a page giving directions for the management of a battery engaged with a steamship embarrassed by difficult currents.
The bark and steamer were not seen by the French, having probably been taken into some of the numerous inlets near, but the masts of the sunken brig were visible.
It was quite fortunate that, in all these affairs, no guns were fired from the southern shore in the territories of other daimios. These straits can very easily be rendered impassable; and had these vessels been exposed to a severe cross fire, escape would have been almost impossible.
It is greatly to be regretted that intelligence of these different outrages reached this port at different times, so as to lead to separate action. The punishment, though severe, is not so thorough as may be needed. It is thought, by all the representatives of the treaty powers, that the promptitude with which it has been inflicted will have a favorable influence, and will tend to the preservation of peace.
If the Tycoon is sincere in his professions of friendship to us, and if he is acting with duplicity only at Kioto, where he is, under duress, he may [Page 1134] have heart and courage to maintain his authority. But all we can now say is, we are groping in the dark.
At this place we have little or no intercourse with the government. Our letters from the ministers are limited to information concerning changes made in their officials, fires at Yedo, and other kindred subjects, while every inquiry in relation to important events is met by professions of ignorance or promises of information at some future unnamed period.
I enclose Nos. 3 and 4, copies of letters addressed by me to the ministers, briefly detailing the operations of the Wyoming; also (No. 5) translation of a letter from the acting consul general of the Netherlands in relation to the action of the Medusa.
Yesterday afternoon, Sakai Hida No Kami, an assistant minister and member of the second council, came down in a steamer from Yedo, on his way with troops to Osacca, and asked for an interview with all the ministers.
At this conference the representatives of France, Great Britain, Holland, and myself, were present.
He commenced by saying he had nothing to communicate to us, but that he could not think of passing by this port without calling on us and inquiring about our health. After many compliments, he asked about the wounded on the Wyoming, and expressed his regret that our ships and those of Holland and France had been fired into, and said he was on his way to Kioto to give the Tycoon full information.
I replied that this information must have reached the Tycoon, who was so much nearer the scene, much earlier than it reached Yedo; and I inquired why orders had not been given by the Tycoon for his vessels and troops to punish such an unauthorized use and abuse of his flag. He said he supposed he had not sufficient force. I said that if, when I was informed of the outrage, any disposition had been shown by the government to act, the necessity of the visit of the Wyoming would not have arisen; and I then asked, What can the Tycoon do now; and what will he do? To this he replied, that he could not say; that the Tycoon could not, of course, approve of such conduct; that he had made the treaties; that he would observe them “for a very long time, or, as long as he could;” but that it might be found that the Prince of Nagato had acted under the orders of the Mikado; and if so, the Tycoon would be compelled “exteriorly” to approve his conduct, but that “interiorly,” of course, he would disapprove, and continue the friend of the foreigners.
I then asked the vice-minister whether it was true that the troops of Nagato, Tola, and Satsuma, had been engaged in conflict with those of the Tycoon; and whether the Tycoon was regarded as being in danger. He said he did not know. I asked, why, then, are you taking troops and artillery to Osacca? He said it was his own idea; he thought they might possibly be required for the defence of the Tycoon.
You will see, from this statement, how unsatisfactory our relations are, liable, as they are, to changes from the operation of influences we know to be busily at work, but which are carefully and skilfully hidden; we can only hope for the best, while we advise preparation for the worst.
I have already informed you that the ministers for foreign affairs, in office at the time of my arrival, have been punished by a fine of about half their property. All who have occupied positions, up to the accession of the present ministry, have shared the same fate. The Regent, who alone raised his voice at Kioto for the observance of the treaties, has been deposed. The danger is, that the ministers who constitute the forlorn hope, as it were, of Japan, in order to save themselves, will be overawed by the hostile daimios. The current is now setting strongly against us, as is proved by the fact that those regarded as most friendly, such as the Prince of Pwari, of the [Page 1135] imperial family, instead of declaring the treaties should be observed, content themselves with deprecating hostilities, only because Japan is not quite ready yet for war. The French minister has an account of a conference of Pwari with the Gorogio and others, at which such language was used, to which he referred yesterday; and the orders stated to have been given were admitted by the vice-minister to have been issued; but he said they were given only in view of the British demand for indemnity.
I have confined my narration of the conversation which took place to what relates to the affair with the Prince of Nagato.
The British and French ministers made strong declarations against the right of daimios to own armed vessels, and said that it might become necessary to seize them.
There is entire harmony between myself and all the foreign representatives; though, perhaps I have greater sympathy with this people, and am only beginning to surrender a confidence which they have long felt obliged to withhold. I shall never cease exercising forbearance until it would degenerate into weakness. Nor shall I yield to distrust, except in cases— and, alas! there are too many—where I can only believe by distrusting my own senses, or proof equally convincing.
I must here state my conviction that Mr. Harris must have foreseen the probability of such occurrences. His sagacity and keen observation could not have been entirely baffled even by Japanese dissimulation. It is not surprising that, isolated as I have been at Yedo, and with only occasional and very unfrequent visits to and from my colleagues, prepared to regard every one with friendship and favor, and very properly left by Mr. Harris free to form my own judgment, I should have been slow to believe that any difficulty could or was likely to arise.
The archives of the legation, I am able to say, will prove that no minister could have tried more faithfully and more perseveringly to cultivate and continue friendly relations than I have done, and I have the satisfaction of knowing that no word or act of mine has impaired the friendship which has existed. I still believe that the feelings of this government and people towards the government and people of the United States are decidedly friendly; but recent occurrences have proved what I predicted, that any discrimination is practically impossible; we are foreigners, and must share the common fate.
The despatches which I have sent, particularly since February, when I was informed that civil war was apprehended, will have prepared the President for this unfortunate state of things. The people of the United States, who have rather rose-colored views of Japan, will, I apprehend, not be prepared for the shock which will be given to the ideas they have formed of our relations with this country.
The visit of the ambassadors to the United States, affording so large a multitude glimpses of the dress, customs, and manners of this strange people, and the many proofs of friendship for our government and people which have been given, and which are still proffered, have diffused, very generally, the belief that, as if in an instant, the barrier of isolation reared nearly three centuries ago, and which has been so sedulously and carefully maintained, was at least overleaped, if not broken entirely away. Prejudices rendered venerable by age; animosities, strengthened by time and by national pride, as well as national policy; an intolerable pride of birth. which, attributing to the ruling class a heaven-born origin, requires all others to grovel in the dust before a favored few; laws founded on and fostered by ignorance and prejudice, and so hedged around with Divinity as not to be susceptible of alteration or suspension, except by violence, are not to be altered or broken down in a day. Their grasp on the nation is [Page 1136] too firm to be loosened by paper or parchment and by signatures to a few treaties—treaties which have not been really accepted by government or daimios, but only submitted to, though still viewed as a public injury and a national disgrace.
No outlet has yet been made for the subsidence of the dark waters of prejudice, pride, and hatred, which have been so long accumulating. None of the ministers who have been accredited to this country have ever exchanged a syllable or been admitted to a sight of one of the chief hereditary princes of this empire, except the Tycoon, seated at a distance, and as if on a scenic stage. Probably the smallest of the great daimios would feel disgraced by contact with the most powerful of the western potentates. The individuals described as princes in our treaties and sent to the United States and Europe as ambassadors were not even of the lowest class of daimios. They had and have titular and not hereditary rank, and you will see are described in the manifesto signed by the great daimios, which I sent you, as “respectable persons.”
I have no time, nor is it necessary I should enlarge on this theme. It is sufficient to say that, to this day, the law of banishment against foreigners is unrepealed. With all its grim barbarity it is in full force. The meanest coolie who strikes down a foreigner violates neither public sentiment nor political law. If unembarrassed by fear of foreign force, it would be decreed he had deserved well of his country.
No conviction of public good, nor respect for other nations, opened this country to residence and to commerce. The silent but no less potent utterances of bayonet and wide-mouthed cannon burst away the barriers of isolation, and our foothold here can be maintained only by a firm attitude and with the hand on the sword.
It is useless to inquire whether the trade of Japan is worth the expenditure of treasure and blood it may involve. This country cannot be sealed up again, even if no merchandise should ever again be sold or brought here. It is on the great highway of commerce in the east, where ships will soon be counted by thousands. The sea is tempestuous, the currents treacherous, the coast rock-bound and dangerous, and shipwrecks (of which two of American vessels have occurred within the last eight months) will soon be greatly multiplied.
These remarks are not made because I believe hostilities will or should ensue with this government; on the contrary, I hope and think they may and will be averted; but simply with reference to a proposition, true everywhere, but here more than anywhere else, that the price and the only security of peace is preparation for war.
The British fleet will leave this port in a few days, but it is undecided whether it will first visit the straits of Simonoseki, or proceed directly to Kagosiena, the chief city of Satsuma, for the purpose of demanding the surrender of the murderers of Mr. Richardson and the payment of £25,000 sterling indemnity.
I enclose a printed list of daimios, with their incomes, carefully compiled from Japanese documents, and quite accurate, which may greatly interest you and give you valuable information; also printed accounts of the different attacks at Simonoseki.
I also have the pleasure to enclose a small map, showing the track of the Medusa and Wyoming, and the position of batteries and Japanese vessels, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Captain Brine, of the royal engineers.
I only add, that I await with great solicitude the decision of the President, but with entire confidence that my conduct will meet his and your kind approval, and that also of a great nation, never more truly great than now, [Page 1137] when engaged in the noblest struggle for freedom, in its fullest and most general sense, which the world has ever witnessed.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington.
- July 28.—To give one illustration, Masurda, a young interpreter, who resided some months at the Legation, told Mr. Portman that the Wyoming had done well, and the government was much obliged to us.↩