Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-eighth Congress, Part I
Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I transmit herewith a copy of the Queen’s speech delivered through a commission to both houses of Parliament on the opening yesterday.
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I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant.
[Untitled]
My Lords and Gentlemen:
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Her Majesty’s relations with foreign powers continue to be friendly and satisfactory.
Her Majesty has abstained from taking any step with a view to induce a cessation of the conflict between the contending parties in the North American States, because it has not yet seemed to her Majesty that any such overtures could be attended with a probability of success.
Her Majesty has viewed with the deepest concern the desolating warfare which still rages in those regions; and she has witnessed with heartfelt grief the severe distress and suffering which that war has inflicted upon a large class of her Majesty’s subjects, but which have been born by them with noble fortitude and with exemplary resignation. It is some consolation to her Majesty to be led to hope that this suffering and this distress are rather diminishing than increasing, and that some revival of employment is beginning to take place in the manufacturing districts.
Extracts from the debate in the House of Lords.
the earl of Dudley’s remarks.
Her Majesty told their lordships on this occasion, as she had told them on previous occasions, that the relations of this country with foreign powers remained friendly. That was a matter of the greatest consequence to this country, because [Page 124] it was to this rather than to our army and navy that we looked for the peace of the world. That peace was unfortunately broken in the far west. An effort which had been made to induce her Majesty’s government to intervene, and put down the war in America, had been rightfully rejected by them, inasmuch as any such proposition must have fallen to the ground, looking at the temper in which the combatants were at the time, and in which they still continued, in regard to this country. It could not, however, be for a moment supposed that it was not the interest of this country that the war should cease. Leaving humanity out of the question, and looking merely to the commercial interests of the country, and to the distress which the war had caused in England, he could not but feel that we had strong reasons for the termination of that war. He did not think there was any likelihood, inasmuch as we had declared that our course should be neutral between the two parties, of our doing anything which would embitter the feelings already so hostile towards this country. He was at a loss to know why this hostile feeling should exist, for, in all truth and honesty, our neutrality had been real. That on both sides in America, both in the north and in the south, efforts should have been made to induce us to a breach of our neutrality, and to show to the world, by outward and visible signs, that such breach had occurred, was not to be wondered at, but he did say that there, in the House of Lords, in the House of Commons, and in the country at large, the only desire was to honestly observe a neutrality in this unfortunate quarrel. Despite all said and done across the Atlantic against this country, we could bear it. We were prepared to receive from the other side, as merely arising from the excitement and disturbed state of feeling which prevailed there, remarks not founded in truth and justice, and the dignity of this country could afford to pass them by in silence. With regard to the distress in the manufacturing districts, the noble lord said that no such blow had scarcely ever before fallen on the country, but it had been met in a most noble spirit by all classes. If, however, that distress was met at the present moment, we could not expect to meet it always. We could not look to a large portion of the most industrious classes of the community being, as in a chronic condition, maintained by the outstretched hand of charity. There must be an end to that, and that end could only be brought about by a better state of things on the other side of the Atlantic. But whatever was done by England with that view could only be done consistently with her honor, and only when the appropriate moment arrived. [Hear, hear.] Though it was but a small consolation, he might observe that the distress in the cotton districts had shown that in the days in which we lived far more confidence might be placed in the people at large—in their good sense, forbearance, and courage—than we learnt from history could have been the case in times gone by. A greater trial than the one they were now suffering could scarcely be possible, but their conduct had excited the admiration of all. It was but fair to acknowledge—it had been said over and over again, but it would come with greater weight on an important occasion like the present, at the first meeting of their lordships—that to such admirable conduct the country owed its escape from that disturbance and violence which had prevailed in similar periods of distress in times past. [Hear.] Speaking of the relief of that vast distress, he would be wanting in memory and gratitude if he did not say that not only England herself, but England’s sons all over the world, and especially in the colonies, had been amongst the most ready to send contributions home to relieve such distress. [Hear, hear.] He might go one step further, and say that if there was one bright spot in America, it was that, amidst all her troubles, she had not forgotten to dispense her charity among our suffering people in Lancashire. [Hear, hear.]
[Page 125]LORD GRANARD’S REMARKS.
He now came to that part of the royal speech to which prominence was given by the publication of the French despatch relative to mediation in the civil war in America. However much their lordships might deplore a war which had so materially affected us, and however we might hope for a speedy cessation of hostilities, he hoped their lordships would agree in the prudence which dictated the government policy of non-intervention; and be of opinion that intervention would only have produced intense irritation among the American people, might have given rise to unpleasant complications, and certainly would have had no effect in terminating the war. It was, therefore, much safer to leave to the Emperor of the French the task he had imposed on himself, in the hope that his advice would be accepted by the American people.
THE EARL OF DERBY’S REMARKS.
I must turn to another topic which has engaged the painful attention of all her Majesty’s subjects, and I would say that I have no cause to find fault with the manner in which her Majesty’s government has acted in the desolating warfare that is being carried on in the States of America. I may regret that her Majesty’s government did not accede to the wishes of the Emperor of the French and endeavor to use such good offices as might lead to the two parties themselves reflecting on the effects of the war in which they are engaged; but, before I venture to censure, I must say that her Majesty’s government were in possession of better information as to what would be the consequences of such a step, and I prefer to abide until the information received from her Majesty’s minister abroad is before me. But your lordships must recollect that, before any mediation could be effective on the part of the neutral powers, they must be satisfied that the parties between whom mediation was proposed were satisfied with the terms on which mediation was offered. The question in the present instance is not of degree, but of fundamental principle. On one side the struggle is for union, on the other side for separation; consequently, any nation offering to mediate must decide whether they will proceed on the principle of union or of separation; and that difficulty must be met at the outset. It had been said by many that the time had arrived when Great Britain ought to recognize the southern States. I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that it was wise or politic to recognize the south. In all precedents there is one of two circumstances present to justify the recognition of a struggling state: either although the recognition of the revolting state has not been recognized by the parent as un fait accompli, yet the war was at an end, as in the case of the South American colonies which revolted from Spain; or, where, in the interests of humanity, other nations determined to put an end to a desolating war, the recognition was followed by an intervention, as in the cases of Belgium separating from Holland, and Greece from Turkey. I believe that the restoration of the States to their former position is absolutely impossible. Even at an early period of the war it was felt that, if the north separated from the south, any cordial reconciliation was impossible; but, as events proceeded, this feeling became stronger. It is my firm conviction that there is no possibility to re-establish the Union. At the same time they must recollect that the entire southern seaboard is in the hands of the north, and, while that is so, it is not possible to say that Great Britain ought to interfere by force of arms and dictate the terms on which the war must cease. I approve of the entire neutrality which her Majesty’s government has carried out. It is impossible for any man not to desire that this desolating warfare [Page 126] may be brought to a close, and I am sure that any government would take the earliest possible opportunity to tender its good offices; but, at present, there is no prospect but that the war must go on till either party shall be exhausted. At the same time I cannot entertain the opinion that the cessation of the war would restore Great Britain to the position in which we have been with respect to the supply of cotton before the war broke out.
EARL RUSSELL’S REMARKS.
Passing from that topic to the question upon which the noble earl spoke at considerable length, I mean that of the United States, I believe her Majesty’s government have exercised a wise discretion in not giving that advice which the Emperor of the French proposed we should give to one of the belligerents; and, for this reason, that a time may come when those belligerents, exhausted by the struggle, may wish to refer to some other powers to assist them in procuring that peace which is so desirable. As to the question of recognition, the noble earl is aware that there are two kinds of recognition—one in which you assist a power against its adversary. Such were, in old times, the cases of Holland and Portugal, and, in modern times, Belgium and Greece. But no one, I believe, in this country desires a forcible intervention on behalf of either of the parties to the American struggle. The questions of Holland and Portugal, and Belgium and Greece, were manageable matters compared to the dreadful importance of attempting to give victory to one of the parties to the struggle in America. But recognition takes place under other circumstances, namely: when it is obvious that one of the parties has been exhausted in war, and when the attempt to make the other submit to its authority has failed. The American struggle has not nearly reached that state of things that struggle in different parts of America is kept up, I will not say with undiminished, but with increased power and increased rancor. Therefore, nothing could be more unwise than at present to have recourse to the plan recommended. One thing might be the result of this struggle, namely: the subjugation of the south by the north; and, in that event, the Union might be reformed. If feelings of attachment could be revived, and the north and the south were again united in one, no one would rejoice more than myself. If, on the other hand, the north were to fail, and separation were finally decreed by events, I should be glad to see peace established on those terms. But there would be one event which would be a calamity to the world, and more especially to the negro race, and that would be the subjugation of the north by the south. One of the first consequences of such subjugation must be, that the north must renounce all her former policy, must put down a free press and free discussion. That would produce anarchy, and the cause of liberty would suffer in America for a century to come. I hope that, whatever may be the end of this contest, such may not be the result. I trust we shall see, at the end of this struggle, the people of America enjoying, whether in one or two great republics, independence and power. For my own part, before this contest began, I rejoiced in the progress of the United States of America. The flourishing state of a people descended from the same ancestors as ourselves, and possessing laws of personal liberty similar to our own, was a sight in which Englishmen might rejoice. I should indeed lament if, at the end of the struggle, we should find that people deprived of those benefits and privileges which dignify and adorn mankind. The noble earl alluded to a very painful topic—the distress in Lancashire. Far be it from me to attempt to follow him upon a subject with which he is so much better acquainted than myself; but there is one topic in which he did not dwell in a manner which I think every member of the house must have felt he would have been justified in doing—I mean the magnificent contribution which he himself made for the relief of that distress. (Cheers.) One thing is greatly to be desired, namely: that the differences [Page 127] which existed within the last twenty years between the manufacturing and the great landed interests of this country should be terminated by acts of charity and good will. (Hear, hear.) Now, the example of no man could be so powerful as that of the noble earl, and I think the country owes him a great debt of gratitude for the part he has taken in relieving the Lancashire distress. (Cheers.) I now come to topics upon which the noble earl and myself most certainly differ. He seems to think that I am disposed to meddle everywhere. But, with regard to the United States, we were asked to give advice, and her Majesty’s government refused to give any advice whatever.