Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-eighth Congress, Part I
Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department, numbered from 449 to 455, inclusive. Also printed circular (No. 30) of the 24th of December last. I shall endeavor to attend to the various subjects to which they refer as promptly as possible.
Since the date of my last despatch I have received, for transmission to the President, resolutions and addresses adopted at public meetings held in Bradford, Bristol, Stroud, and Glasgow. I have also been notified by the chairman of the London meeting, William Evans, esquire, that the resolutions adopted by it are in process of engrossment on vellum prior to transmission to the same destination. Should they reach the legation in season I shall send them by the steamer of this week.
I likewise send a minute of the proceedings of the executive committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, formally presented to me by a very large and respectable deputation, which waited upon me on Tuesday last, to be forwarded in the same manner. I felt it my duty to notice a portion of the observations contained in the minute, which I did in as brief a reply as I could prepare to answer the purpose. A report of the proceedings which appeared in most of the newspapers of the next day is also appended.
I think there can be no doubt that these manifestations are the genuine expression of the feelings of the religious dissenting, and of the working classes of [Page 116] Great Britain. The political effect of them is not unimportant, coming, as they do, at a period when a sudden dissolution of Parliament, at any moment, is regarded by all as very possible. Under such circumstances, the agitation of a proposition to recognize the insurgents looks much less likely than I could have anticipated some months ago.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
Mr. Nichols to Mr. Adams.
Sir: I have the highest satisfaction in forwarding to your excellency, as the representative of the United States, the enclosed resolutions of a crowded meeting, held in our largest building, at which not fewer than 4,000 persons were present, begging you will have the kindness to submit the document to the President.
So many gentlemen in public station having, of late, expressed opinions favorable to the recognition of the rebel States, it was felt no longer to be tolerable that the sympathies and opinions of the English people should be so mis-represented. It would not be possible for sympathizers with the slave power to obtain such a demonstration on behalf of the south, in any part of England, as those now afforded by the great centres of industry against slavery and its abettors.
Our worthy representative in the British Parliament, of whom we are proud as taking a position in the fore front of the enemies of oppression, and who presided over this meeting, can assure you of the unmistakable enthusiasm of the people of Bradford in passing the resolutions I have the honor to hand you, and their determined opposition to any interposition on behalf of the rebel slave-owners. The proceedings closed with three hearty cheers for President Lincoln, which expressed our earnest solicitude that he may be sustained by the Almighty Father of bond and free, in his righteous determination to bring to an end the accursed evil which has, for a time, severed the Union and provoked the just retribution of the Avenger of the oppressed on all who have been accessory to it.
That, on the basis of equal rights and justice to all inhabitants of the States, without distinction of race, your Union may speedily be restored, in its integrity, to peace and prosperity; and that, by the fellowship of an unfettered commerce, all nations may be bound up in your well-being, is the prayer of
Yours, most truly,
His Excellency the Hon. C. F. Adams, London.
Mr. Adams to Mr. Nichols.
Sir: I shall be pleased to transmit to the President of the United States the resolutions of the crowded meeting at Bradford, which you have done me the favor to commit to my care. I doubt not that this and other similar manifestations of the public sentiment which have lately passed through my hands will have an excellent effect in establishing the most friendly state of feeling among [Page 117] my countrymen in America towards their well-wishers here. Such is the only solid foundation on which to rest the amity of nations.
I am, sir, &c., &c.,
W. S. Nichols, Esq., Bradford, Yorkshire.
Meeting at Bradford.
Resolutions passed unanimously at a public meeting of the inhabitants of Bradford, Yorkshire, held in St. George’s Hall, January 29, 1863, to promote the emancipation policy of the President of the United States of North America.
W. E. Forster, esq., M. P. for Bradford, in the chair.
1st. That, in the opinion of this meeting, the war now raging in America had its origin in slavery, is continued in its defence, for its extension and perpetuation; that slavery is in antagonism to Christianity, to free institutions, a scourge, a blight and a curse on the human race, and a stain upon the civilization of the nineteenth century.
2d. That this meeting, abhorring slavery as unchristian and inhuman, deprecates all efforts to induce her Majesty’s ministers to transgress the policy of nonintervention on behalf of the slaveholders, who, by rebelling and fighting for slavery, have brought incalculable misery upon their own country and upon this.
3d. That any intervention, physical or moral, on behalf of the slave power would be especially disgraceful, now that the government of the United States has avowed an emancipation policy, in which this meeting rejoices, as giving ground for the belief that this terrible war will be overruled to the destruction of the system of slavery.
4th. That this meeting deeply sympathizes with the working classes of the cotton districts in their privations resulting from the war, and regards with admiration their magnanimity in being the first publicly to declare the undiminished hatred of Englishmen to slavery, and their unalterable determination at all risks to seek its extermination.
5th. That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be forwarded to his excellency the Hon. C. F. Adams, with a request that he will remit them to President Lincoln.
On behalf of the meeting,
Great anti-slavery meeting.
At a large and enthusiastic meeting held in the Subscription Rooms, Stroud, on Thursday evening, January 29, 1863, John Sibree, esq., M. A., in the chair, for the purpose of expressing sympathy with the anti-slavery policy of the federal government, it was unanimously resolved that the following address be presented to the President of the United States;
To his excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America:
Sir: It is in no corporate capacity, but simply as an assembly of Englishmen, that we venture to address you a few words of sympathy and fraternal regard. We deeply deplore the calamity which has fallen upon your country, and earnestly desire to see a stop put to the painful struggle now raging in America, [Page 118] sincerely hoping that the system of slavery, which has been the chief cause of the war, may be buried with it.
We are bound to confess that there has ever been a misgiving in our minds when we remembered that there was an inconsistency or incongruity between your avowed principle of liberty and the existence among you of the worst form of human despotism, and that we have ever believed that such dreadful injustice, in the course of providence, would be avenged.
We would assure you of our full appreciation of the heavy burden of responsibility now resting upon you, and of our sympathy with you in all measures which have for their object the extinction of slavery; and rejoice to believe that, in spite of all that has been said or written, there exists, between the United States and Great Britain, a sound basis of cordial amity, which will be cemented and extended by the success of those measures in erasing this injurious blot from your Constitution.
Praying that you may be carried through the fiery trial to which you are subjected, and that you may be spared to reap the harvest of freedom and peace, we trust that, in the triumph of right and justice, your sorrowing widows and bereaved mothers may find an alleviation of their woes.
Be assured, also, that we deeply deplore any apparent complicity with the southern States in the clandestine equipment of war ships for their use in our waters, and that we fully appreciate the considerate feeling of the north evinced by the shipment of gratuitous supplies for our distressed operatives.
We are, with much respect, yours, &c.,
Great anti-slavery meeting.
At a large and enthusiastic meeting held in the Subscription Rooms, Stroud, on Thursday evening, January 29, 1863, John Sibree, esq., M. A., in the chair, for the purpose of expressing sympathy with the anti-slavery policy of the federal government, the following resolutions were nearly unanimously adopted:
Proposed by J. E. Barnard, esq., and seconded by J. A. Partridge, esq.:
That this meeting feels called upon to give expression to a feeling of deep sympathy with a distracted community sustaining such intimate national and fraternal relationships as those existing between the population of the republic of North America and that of the British isles.
Proposed by Handel Cossham, esq., and seconded by George Thompson, esq.:
That this meeting cannot but view with the deepest sorrow the rise and growth of that man-degrading system which has for so long a period held in bondage millions of our fellow-men in the more southern States of the Union, which has sought, by all means and at any cost, to make itself dominant through the entire republic, and which has been the main cause of the present disastrous war, and expresses its deeply-felt desire that the measures adopted by the federal States for crushing the monster evil of slavery may surely and speedily succeed.
Proposed by the Rev. T. H. Tarlton, incumbent of Stroud, and seconded by the Rev. W. Yates, dissenting minister:
That this meeting acknowledges with great pleasure the generous sympathy and kindness of the federal States shown to our fellow-countrymen, thrown into destitution and want by the war, as evinced by their contributions of money, food, and other articles of comfort and support, and regards the same as an [Page 119] omen that whatever misunderstanding or misrepresentations may have disturbed the harmonious relations existing between the northern States and the mother country, a more and more perfect amity will henceforth prevail between the people of the two nations.
Voice from London, England.
At a special meeting of the committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, held on Monday, the 19th of January, 1863, the following minute was unanimously approved:
The committee, deeply impressed with the magnitude of the evils inseparable from slavery, and with the conviction that its speedy extension, wherever it exists, is devoutly to be desired, on the highest grounds of religion and humanity, would express satisfaction at the proclamation issued by the President of the United States on the first of the current month, declaring “thenceforth and forever free” the slaves in certain of the States of the American Union.
In view of the exceptional circumstances under which that proclamation has been issued, and of the importance of the present crisis, the committee feel themselves called upon formally to record, that deprecating war as opposed to the spirit and the precepts of the gospel, they regard with unmitigated sorrow the fratricidal conflict between the two sections of the American Union, and sincerely desire its speedy termination, while they protest against the assumption that approval of the President’s act implies on their part a sanction of the conflict, or is an encouragement to its continuance.
The committee hold it to have been demonstrated, without possibility of disproof, that the States in rebellion were the aggressors, and deliberately entered upon war for the avowed, sole object of extending and consolidating slavery as an institution by establishing an independent confederacy founded upon it. This wanton, wicked act renders them primarily responsible for the awful sacrifice of human life which has ensued, and for all the misery and suffering it has been the means of inflicting, not only upon the people of the United States, but upon our own countrymen at home, as well as upon considerable numbers of the inhabitants in some parts of the continent of Europe, while, so far from having any claim to the sympathy they seek to secure for their rebellion, it justly merits the severest reprobation of the civilized world.
On the other hand, the committee do not overlook the fact that the President distinctly avows in his declarations to Congress that the United States government resorted to arms to suppress rebellion and preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery. The proclamation of the 22d September last, and that of the 1st of January current, of which it is the complement, also set forth that the freeing of slaves in the States and parts of States held to be in rebellion is a measure of military expediency, and is decreed as such in virtue of the powers extraordinary which the Constitution confers upon the head of the State, as commander-in-chief of the national forces, to be exercised only “during a time of armed rebellion.” The committee, nevertheless, sincerely rejoice in the act itself, as bringing to an immediate termination, in favor of three-fourths of the slave population of the south, the there recognized legal condition of slavery.
The committee record an expression of unfeigned regret that any States or portions of States in which slavery exists should be exempted from the operation of the President’s proclamation; but although the act falls short of the requirements of justice to all the enslaved, and does not prohibit the reintroduction [Page 120] of slavery where it is now decreed to be abolished, it must in these respects be tested by the measure of the President’s ordinary powers under the Constitution, which leave him no option of interference with slavery in any of the States, and must also be considered in connexion with his proposition for compensated emancipation in the loyal States. The committee are thus brought to the conclusion that considering the constitutional obligations which limit the action of the President, he is justly entitled, in his extremely difficult position, to “the encouragement and to the considerate judgment of mankind,” which he solemnly invokes.
The committee protest against the idea which has been put forth that in decreeing emancipation the President contemplated inciting a servile insurrection. While the information in their possession does not warrant the apprehension of such an event, the committee regard the President’s exhortation to the freed slaves, “to abstain from all violence, except in necessary self-defence,” and “to labor faithfully for reasonable wages when allowed,” as conclusive evidence of his desire not only to effect a great work peaceably, but to establish an equitable system of labor. The gratifying results of the remarkable experiment at Port Royal, where some ten thousand so-called “contrabands” are employed most successfully, under exceeding disadvantages, as well as the satisfactory issue of arrangements made in other instances between slaves and their masters, on the one condition of wages for labor, confirm the committee in their belief that in the large majority of cases the emancipated slaves will be found to require no inducement to work for their former owners other than reasonable compensation.
The committee reiterate their appreciation of the various legislative measures in reference to the abolition of slavery adopted by the United States government, and consider that the general policy in this direction of the President and his advisers has been such as entitles them to the cordial thanks of the friends of negro emancipation in all lands.
Voice from Bristol, England.
To his excellency the President of the United States:
Sir: As an assembly of Englishmen, and having no corporate capacity, we venture to address to you a few words of respectful sympathy. Language fails us to express how deeply we deplore the calamity which has befallen your country, how earnestly we desire to hear of the cessation of the fearful struggle which afflicts it, and how fervently we hope that the system of slavery, which has caused the war, will perish with it. That the struggle between slavery and freedom has arisen from your elevation to the presidential chair, we take the liberty of considering as the highest honor which could be accorded to you.
We deem it disrespectful to yourself, and to the great people whom you are called to govern, to pronounce any opinion on your political measures; but we beg permission to assure you of our full appreciation of the heavy burden of responsibility under which you labor, and our earnest desire that you may be able to accomplish an object which must be dear to every philanthropic heart— the freedom of the slave. Should this be, as we devoutly hope, one of the issues of the war which now distresses your people, we believe that a more hearty and confiding amity will be cemented between them and the people of Great Britain than has ever previously existed.
Meanwhile we trust that neither the severity of criticism nor the apparent complicity of some British citizens, in upholding slavery, will be allowed to disturb the good will which ought ever to prevail between two great nations so [Page 121] closely allied; and we welcome with sincere satisfaction, as an expression of national good will, the liberal contributions by American citizens to the relief of our distressed operatives.
To this expression of our sympathy we desire to add our prayers that you may. be divinely guided through the difficulties of your exalted position, and that, in the emancipation of millions of bondsmen, the afflicted widows and orphans of your people may find some alleviation of their sorrow.
With sentiments of profound respect, we are, sir, your obedient servants.
Signed in behalf of the meeting—
Voice from Scotland.
To his excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United Sates of America:
Sir: We who offer to you this address are citizens of Glasgow, in public meeting assembled; and, through our chairman, now approach you with all the respect due to your position as constitutional chief of a great nation, linked to ourselves by innumerable ties of lineage, of language, of social and material interests, and of religious faith.
We have been long accustomed to regard with veneration and gratitude the founders of that great republic, of which you are now the legitimate head. Throughout the past career of the United States we have followed, with feelings of genuine friendship, every step by which the liberties of our race have been widened, education has been advanced, and the various elements of a noble public prosperity have been developed by the free action of a self-governing people.
One thing alone has restricted our sympathies, namely, the continued enslavement and consequent degradation of certain children of that God who “hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth.”
Since, however, through the disruption initiated by the slave power itself, a way is being opened up to the entire enfranchisement of every slave in America, and decisive steps are being taken towards extending to ALL the rights of citizenship, independently of any distinctions of color, our heartiest sympathies have been with you, your government, and your people.
By the distinct adoption of an anti-slavery policy your administration will seal the doom of “the sum of all villanies,” and command the respect of all who desire that “the bonds of wickedness should be unloosed and the oppressed set free.”
We regard the proposition and attempt, now made for the first time in the history of the world, to establish a nation upon the basis of slavery as infamous in itself and an unparalleled outrage upon humanity at large. Do not, we entreat you, give heed to those who, covertly seeking their own ends, regardless of consequences or principles, would sow the seeds of discord between our country and your own. The great heart of the British people beats, we assure you, true to freedom. Freemen ourselves, our hearts go forth to freemen. We recognize as the plain issue of the contest, now tasking the heroism and self-sacrifice of America, the question whether the slave power shall master a continent for itself or be overthrown as a curse unto the earth. As men, owning one brotherhood with the great human family, and worshipping one God, even the Father of all, we can do no other than hold slavery accursed, and rejoice at every blow that deprives it of authority and strength. We feel assured that those who would divide our nation’s sympathies from you in this terrible struggle are [Page 122] chiefly those who oppose liberty at home, and who are ever ready to distract our people by foreign excitements. They are becoming more and more powerless as your government develops more and more fully an anti-slavery policy, and they will entirely lose all power to foment quarrels between America and Britain from the very day in which your country is established, without any sectional exception, as the “home of the free,” and when America practically exemplifies its entire belief in the words of its great founders, “All men are created free and equal.”
Within the brief period of your excellency’s presidency more has been done for the glorious work of emancipation than during the whole preceding period of the existence of the United States. We honor you, and we congratulate you. The world has learned during your presidency that America cannot stop short of the complete, absolute, and final uprooting of the iniquity of slavery; and as freemen we rejoice in every measure tending to hasten this great consummation.
That the day may soon dawn when no slave shall tread American soil from north to south, and the United States become in deed and of a truth the United States of freemen; that, from year to year, the ties binding our beloved country and your own may be strengthened, and our citizens be united with each other in bonds of amity and peace; and that you, sir, when your term of office expires, may be known as the President who saved his country by doing righteously, and unloosing the heavy burdens of an oppressed race, is our sincere and earnest hope and prayer.
In name and by appointment of the meeting—
[Untitled]
At Glasgow, and within the city hall there, on the evening of Wednesday, the 4th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1863, on the occasion of a great public meeting of the citzens summoned to consider the subject of emancipation in America, and which meeting was attended by upwards of 2,000 persons, representing all classes of the community, Bailie Govan, one of the magistrates of the city of Glasgow, being called to the chair, the following resolutions were passed by overwhelming majorities, viz:
Moved by Councillor Brown; seconded by Councillor Alexander:
1. That Bailie Govan do now assume the chairmanship of the meeting.
Moved by the Rev. Dr. Wm. Anderson; seconded by John MacGavin, esq.:
2. That this meeting of the citizens of Glasgow, publicly convened, desires to give expression to its deep sympathy with the sufferings endured by the people of the United States of America in the dire struggle now raging, and its cordial approval of every measure favorable to the abolition of slavery taken by the government and people; that this people desires to express its hope and prayer and confidence that, as the result of the present contest, personal freedom will be secured to every inhabitant of the western continent, so that the disgrace and sin of slavery may speedily, completely, and forever pass away from the civilized world.
Moved by the Rev. William Arnet; seconded by the Rev. Henry William Crosskey:
3. That this meeting hails the opening of the present year as the beginning of an epoch of closer friendship and more extended intercourse between the people of Britain and America.
[Page 123]Moved by Councillor Moir; seconded by Councillor Burt, and supported by Mr. James Wilkenson:
4. That the foregoing resolutions and the address, after signature by the chairman, be forwarded to the President of the United States.
Moved by J. W. McGregor, esq., and seconded by Councillor Thomson:
5. Vote of thanks to the chair.