Mr. Seward to Mr. Judd.

[Extract.]

No. 1.]

Sir: Contrary to what usually happens in giving instructions to a minister going abroad, I am directed by the President to ask you to fix your attention in the first instance, and to keep it constantly fixed, on the actual condition of affairs at home. I allude, of course, to the unlawful and unconstitutional attempt which is being made to detach several of the States from the federal Union, and to organize them as an independent republic under the name of the “Confederate States of America.”

You are well aware of what you will find Europeans unable to understand, namely, that owing to the very peculiar structure of our federal government, and the equally singular character and habits of the American people, this government not only wisely but necessarily hesitates to resort to coercion and compulsion to secure a return of the disaffected portion of the people to their customary allegiance. The Union was formed upon popular consent and must always practically stand on the same basis. The temporary causes of alienation must pass away; there must needs be disasters and disappointments resulting from the exercise of unlawful authority by the revolutionists, while happily it is certain that there is a general and profound sentiment of loyalty pervading the public mind throughout the United States. While it is the intention of the President to maintain the sovereignty and rightful authority of the Union everywhere with firmness as well as discretion, he at the same time relies with great confidence on the salutary working of the agencies I have mentioned, to restore the harmony and Union of the States. But to this end it is of the greatest importance that the disaffected States shall not succeed in obtaining favor or recognition from foreign nations.

It is understood that the so-called Confederate States of America have sent, or are about to send, agents to solicit such recognition in Europe, although there is no special reason for supposing Prussia to be one of the nations to which application will be made. An almost electric political connexion, however, exists between the several capitals of western Europe, and therefore your most efficient and unfailing efforts must be put forth directly, and even indirectly, to prevent the success of that ill-starred design.

This matter was deemed so important by the late administration that my predecessor, on the 28th of February last, made it a subject of a circular despatch, of which an original part was transmitted by him to Mr. Wright, who proceeded you in your mission.

The present administration entertain the same general view of the subject which in that despatch was taken by Mr. Buchanan. Accordingly, on the 9th day of March instant, I sent to our representatives abroad a new circular letter in which I reiterated and amplified the instructions which [Page 38] had thus been given to them by Mr. Black. Although that circular will be found in the archives of your legation, yet for your greater convenience I append a copy of it to this communication.

This department has little more to add to that paper when it is read, as it ought to be, in connexion with the President’s inaugural address, on which it rests for its basis.

It may, however, be well to call your attention to the fact that in that communication, as in this, I have forborne altogether from discussing the groundless complaints and pretexts which have been put forth by the organs of disunion to justify the rash and perilous revolution which they are attempting to inaugurate. I have practiced this reticence not because the point is unimportant, but because the dispute is purely a domestic one, and the President would not willingly have the archives of our legations bear testimony to so un-American a proceeding as an acknowledgment, even by indirection, that this government ever consented to join issue upon a purely family matter of this kind with a portion of our own citizens before a foreign tribunal. Nevertheless, should you find that any weight is given to those complaints and pretexts in the court to which you are accredited, your perfect knowledge of all the transactions involved, will, I am sure, enable you to meet them conclusively and satisfactorily without precise instructions on that point.

You will not take up any subject of controversy or debate that may arise between the governments of Prussia and the United States, without first communicating the matter to this department, and you will practice the same forbearance on any subject of controversy which your predecessor may have left for your attention. These instructions are given you because it is our first and most earnest desire and expectation that you will avoid all possible forms of offence or irritation, and will, on the other hand, endeavor to establish the most friendly and cordial relations with the government of the King of Prussia. With this view you will assure his Majesty that the President and people of the United States entertain sentiments of the highest respect and sincere good will for his Majesty and the people of Prussia.

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I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Norman B. Judd, Esq, &c., &c., &c.