Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.
Mr. Murphy to
the Minister for Foreign
Affairs
.
The
Hague,
April 8, 1861.
The undersigned, minister resident of the United States of America,
has the honor to address his excellency Baron Van Zuylen Van
Nijevelt, minister of foreign affairs of his Majesty the King of the
Netherlands, on the subject of the present complication of the
internal political affairs of the United States, and, for the better
understanding of the views of his government in relation thereto, to
invite the attention of his excellency to the accompanying address
of the President on assuming the administration of the federal
Union. His excellency will find therein a statement of the alleged
grievances, of the revolutionary nature of the proceedings of a
number of the States of the Union which have attempted to secede and
have formed a provisional government of their own, and of the line
of policy which the government of the Union will pursue for the
purpose of preserving peace and for the maintenance of the
Union.
The undersigned will further remark, in explanation of this statement
of the President in regard to the character of the secession
movement, that the government of the United States is not simply a
confederation, but a union, which has been invested by the people of
the different States, acting in their original sovereign capacity,
with certain powers, which are exclusive and paramount throughout
the republic, such as the making of war and peace, the regulation of
commerce, whether between the States themselves or with foreign
nations, the establishment of post offices and post roads, the
defining and punishing piracies and felonies on the high seas, the
maintenance of a navy, and the laying and collecting taxes and
duties for the common defence and welfare, besides various others
entirely of a domestic bearing, but all operating on all the States
and the citizens thereof as one people. In other words, in all that
concerns the foreign relations of the several States, as well as in
many details of internal regulation, the United States are as much a
consolidated government as the kingdom of the Netherlands, with its
provincial divisions and assemblies—the only difference being, that
in the United States all powers not granted to the federal
government are reserved to the States and the people, and,
consequently, original and more extensive powers are exercised by
the legislatures of the several States. Any attempt, therefore, on
the part of any State or number of States, or of any section of a
State, to interfere with the exercise of the powers conferred on the
general government by the Constitution is revolutionary; and any
pretended or actual exercise of like powers by them is an
usurpation.
The condition of affairs now existing in the United States is
altogether of an anomalous character, arising from the principles
upon which the government is founded. Those principles acknowledge
the right of self-government in the people, and the exercise of
perfect freedom of speech, of assemblage, and of the press. A
majority of the electors, in the manner and under the forms
prescribed by the Constitution, elect the President, and thus give
administrative vitality to the government. In the canvass preceding
the election, which takes place every four years, discussions of
subjects of vital interest to the country are carried on in the
press and on the stump with such effect that, although the voting
body comprises over three millions of persons, probably not five per
cent of the whole number fail to vote on such occasions. Popular
passion is aroused, every motive is appealed to by the rival
parties, and, when a conclusion is reached, there is often times a
feeling of disappointment on the part of the minority. But this [Page 345] feeling has never
heretofore interfered with their loyal submission to the will of the
majority. In the recent canvass, the questions connected with the
institution of slavery were almost exclusively agitated, principally
in regard to its extension into the Territories, or, as it might be
termed in this country, the lands of the generality. The decision of
the people has been adverse to such extension, but altogether by the
votes of the non-slaveholding States. Advantage has been taken of
this circumstance by designing men to make the minority, or rather
that portion of it residing in the slave-holding States, believe
that their constitutional rights, in regard to that species of
property known as slaves, were in danger of being destroyed by the
majority. The fear of such a consequence is groundless; but, acting
upon such apprehensions, the people of the seceding States have
precipitated themselves into their present position.
No complaint has been made in any quarter of any improper act of the
general government, or of any violation by it of its powers, or of
the rights of slaveholders, as a ground for the existing discontent.
The evils are anticipatory only, so far as the action of the general
government is concerned. On the other hand it is true that,
notwithstanding the apprehensions and fears which have been excited
in the bosoms of a portion of the American people in regard to the
policy of the government, and the steps which have been taken by
them for the formation of an independent government, it is not to be
doubted that the great majority of the people of those seceding
States still cherish a love for the Union of their fathers, its
memories, its prestige, and its blessings. Independent of this fact,
the permanent dismemberment of the Union is fraught with so much
evil to them, as well as to the country at large, as to justify the
belief that a calm view of the consequences, combined with their
patriotism, will cause them to retrace their steps. A separate
government on their part entails the necessity not only of an entire
new corps of officers of government, but also of a standing army
where none now is necessary, of an independent navy, of a cordon of
revenue officers along an extensive coast and frontier line; all
attended with heavy expense and increased taxes. These consequences,
and the severance of family ties and brotherhood existing between
individuals residing in different States, are to come home to them
when passion and delusion shall have passed away; and when they
shall discover, as discover they will, that the general government
entertains no designs against their peace or property, but on the
other hand will, as it is bound to do, defend both.
The undersigned would also impress upom the government of his Majesty
the fact that no one questions the election of the President
according to the provisions of the Constitution. He is the choice of
the country, and is fairly entitled to the exercise of all the
powers conferred upon the executive head of the federal government
by the Constitution. Every citizen within every State is bound to
obedience to his lawful authority. It is the sworn duty of the
President to administer faithfully the Constitution and laws of the
United States, and the obligation of every citizen and individual is
perfect to uphold and sustain him in its performance. But the
President will seek by a just and liberal administration, and by a
paternal regard for the rights and feelings of all sections of the
country, to give occasion and opportunity for the deliberate and
loyal action of the people. It is under these circumstances that the
President entertains the fullest confidence in the restoration of
the harmony and unity of the government at no very distant day.
The friendship and good will which his Majesty the King of the
Netherlands has always manifested towards the United States, the
President regards as an assurance that his Majesty’s government will
not yield to solicitations to intervene in any unfriendly way in the
domestic affairs of the United States. It is evident that any
encouragement to disaffection [Page 346] from abroad would thwart the efforts of the
President for a reconciliation and defeat his just expectations in
that regard. It is a question, moreover, which involves important
interests to all nations with which the United States are in
commercial relation, and to all constitutional governments. The form
of government which the people of the United States have adopted is
one which experience has proven is best adapted for the peace and
protection of the States, for the welfare of the people, and for the
development of the enterprise and resources of its vast territory.
Nor has its influence, it is believed, been without its salutary
effect upon the fatherlands, whence that population has originally
sprung.
It has, however, been a government of example only as to other
nations, and has steadily pursued the policy of not interfering with
their internal affairs. Under it close commercial relations have
sprung up, particularly with all the western powers of Europe, and
with the kingdom of the Netherlands have never for a moment—now more
than three-fourths of a century—been interrupted. If at present
there happen some inconveniences to the trading interests of the
subjects of his Majesty, it will be the endeavor of the President to
render them as light and transient as possible; and should any
injury be sustained therefrom by the subjects of his Majesty, the
President is determined, the undersigned is instructed to say, that
they shall, so far as it may rest with him, be amply indemnified.
Should a state of civil war be precipitated, by any cause whatever,
those inconveniences would be turned into evils of a wide-spread and
disastrous character to other nations. Not only would the channels
of commerce be closed, or, at least, seriously interrupted, and the
agricultural and mining products of the United States, many of which
have become necessary for other nations, be withheld; but the
political systems of Europe and the cause of well regulated and
constitutional government would suffer everywhere. A state of
anarchy must ensue if the revolution be pursued. It is not to be
expected that an empire of thirty-one millions of souls can be
broken up, and the glories and blessings of its free government be
thrown away at the behest of six millions, one-half of whom only are
of the white race. The policy hitherto has been, on the part of the
general government, and will continue to be, to avert such a
calamity; and in asking the non-intervention of friendly nations,
while it pursues a course of peace itself, it demands, it is
confidently believed, what is most consistent with the cause of
humanity and good government everywhere. And to no power is this
caution addressed with more confidence than to his Majesty the King
of the Netherlands.
The undersigned embraces this occasion to renew to his excellency
Baron Van Zuylen Van Nijevelt the assurance of his high
consideration.