Mr. Murphy to Mr. Seward .

No. 53.]

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your circular despatch of the 9th of March, in regard to the intervention of foreign powers in the domestic affairs of the United States at the present time. In compliance with the instructions contained therein, I immediately addressed the minister of foreign affairs of this government a communication, of which a copy is annexed to this despatch. The King is at present on his annual visit to Amsterdam, and will not probably return under ten days; and I presume nothing will be done in the ministry of an important character until he shall have returned. No person has yet appeared here on behalf of the seceding States; and if any one or more should come on their account, I apprehend nothing will be done by the Dutch government until the great powers shall have acted in regard to an acknowledgment of their independence or a treaty. You may rest assured that the present difficulties in the United States are regarded by this government with regret, and that it will do nothing to encourage the seceding States under existing circumstances. I speak, however, on this subject, as yet, of course without any official intimation, and merely from the tone and temper of the well-informed circles—as well those connected with the government as others. There is in the Dutch character a strong repugnance to political changes, except when a strong sense of wrong and injury exists. The government and people, as you well know, are conservative beyond any other nation. I will not fail, however, to inform you of everything which shall transpire here on this subject, and without delay.

I have the honor to be, sir, yours respectfully,

HENRY C. MURPHY.

Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.

[Page 344]

Mr. Murphy to the Minister for Foreign Affairs .

The undersigned, minister resident of the United States of America, has the honor to address his excellency Baron Van Zuylen Van Nijevelt, minister of foreign affairs of his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, on the subject of the present complication of the internal political affairs of the United States, and, for the better understanding of the views of his government in relation thereto, to invite the attention of his excellency to the accompanying address of the President on assuming the administration of the federal Union. His excellency will find therein a statement of the alleged grievances, of the revolutionary nature of the proceedings of a number of the States of the Union which have attempted to secede and have formed a provisional government of their own, and of the line of policy which the government of the Union will pursue for the purpose of preserving peace and for the maintenance of the Union.

The undersigned will further remark, in explanation of this statement of the President in regard to the character of the secession movement, that the government of the United States is not simply a confederation, but a union, which has been invested by the people of the different States, acting in their original sovereign capacity, with certain powers, which are exclusive and paramount throughout the republic, such as the making of war and peace, the regulation of commerce, whether between the States themselves or with foreign nations, the establishment of post offices and post roads, the defining and punishing piracies and felonies on the high seas, the maintenance of a navy, and the laying and collecting taxes and duties for the common defence and welfare, besides various others entirely of a domestic bearing, but all operating on all the States and the citizens thereof as one people. In other words, in all that concerns the foreign relations of the several States, as well as in many details of internal regulation, the United States are as much a consolidated government as the kingdom of the Netherlands, with its provincial divisions and assemblies—the only difference being, that in the United States all powers not granted to the federal government are reserved to the States and the people, and, consequently, original and more extensive powers are exercised by the legislatures of the several States. Any attempt, therefore, on the part of any State or number of States, or of any section of a State, to interfere with the exercise of the powers conferred on the general government by the Constitution is revolutionary; and any pretended or actual exercise of like powers by them is an usurpation.

The condition of affairs now existing in the United States is altogether of an anomalous character, arising from the principles upon which the government is founded. Those principles acknowledge the right of self-government in the people, and the exercise of perfect freedom of speech, of assemblage, and of the press. A majority of the electors, in the manner and under the forms prescribed by the Constitution, elect the President, and thus give administrative vitality to the government. In the canvass preceding the election, which takes place every four years, discussions of subjects of vital interest to the country are carried on in the press and on the stump with such effect that, although the voting body comprises over three millions of persons, probably not five per cent of the whole number fail to vote on such occasions. Popular passion is aroused, every motive is appealed to by the rival parties, and, when a conclusion is reached, there is often times a feeling of disappointment on the part of the minority. But this [Page 345] feeling has never heretofore interfered with their loyal submission to the will of the majority. In the recent canvass, the questions connected with the institution of slavery were almost exclusively agitated, principally in regard to its extension into the Territories, or, as it might be termed in this country, the lands of the generality. The decision of the people has been adverse to such extension, but altogether by the votes of the non-slaveholding States. Advantage has been taken of this circumstance by designing men to make the minority, or rather that portion of it residing in the slave-holding States, believe that their constitutional rights, in regard to that species of property known as slaves, were in danger of being destroyed by the majority. The fear of such a consequence is groundless; but, acting upon such apprehensions, the people of the seceding States have precipitated themselves into their present position.

No complaint has been made in any quarter of any improper act of the general government, or of any violation by it of its powers, or of the rights of slaveholders, as a ground for the existing discontent. The evils are anticipatory only, so far as the action of the general government is concerned. On the other hand it is true that, notwithstanding the apprehensions and fears which have been excited in the bosoms of a portion of the American people in regard to the policy of the government, and the steps which have been taken by them for the formation of an independent government, it is not to be doubted that the great majority of the people of those seceding States still cherish a love for the Union of their fathers, its memories, its prestige, and its blessings. Independent of this fact, the permanent dismemberment of the Union is fraught with so much evil to them, as well as to the country at large, as to justify the belief that a calm view of the consequences, combined with their patriotism, will cause them to retrace their steps. A separate government on their part entails the necessity not only of an entire new corps of officers of government, but also of a standing army where none now is necessary, of an independent navy, of a cordon of revenue officers along an extensive coast and frontier line; all attended with heavy expense and increased taxes. These consequences, and the severance of family ties and brotherhood existing between individuals residing in different States, are to come home to them when passion and delusion shall have passed away; and when they shall discover, as discover they will, that the general government entertains no designs against their peace or property, but on the other hand will, as it is bound to do, defend both.

The undersigned would also impress upom the government of his Majesty the fact that no one questions the election of the President according to the provisions of the Constitution. He is the choice of the country, and is fairly entitled to the exercise of all the powers conferred upon the executive head of the federal government by the Constitution. Every citizen within every State is bound to obedience to his lawful authority. It is the sworn duty of the President to administer faithfully the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the obligation of every citizen and individual is perfect to uphold and sustain him in its performance. But the President will seek by a just and liberal administration, and by a paternal regard for the rights and feelings of all sections of the country, to give occasion and opportunity for the deliberate and loyal action of the people. It is under these circumstances that the President entertains the fullest confidence in the restoration of the harmony and unity of the government at no very distant day.

The friendship and good will which his Majesty the King of the Netherlands has always manifested towards the United States, the President regards as an assurance that his Majesty’s government will not yield to solicitations to intervene in any unfriendly way in the domestic affairs of the United States. It is evident that any encouragement to disaffection [Page 346] from abroad would thwart the efforts of the President for a reconciliation and defeat his just expectations in that regard. It is a question, moreover, which involves important interests to all nations with which the United States are in commercial relation, and to all constitutional governments. The form of government which the people of the United States have adopted is one which experience has proven is best adapted for the peace and protection of the States, for the welfare of the people, and for the development of the enterprise and resources of its vast territory. Nor has its influence, it is believed, been without its salutary effect upon the fatherlands, whence that population has originally sprung.

It has, however, been a government of example only as to other nations, and has steadily pursued the policy of not interfering with their internal affairs. Under it close commercial relations have sprung up, particularly with all the western powers of Europe, and with the kingdom of the Netherlands have never for a moment—now more than three-fourths of a century—been interrupted. If at present there happen some inconveniences to the trading interests of the subjects of his Majesty, it will be the endeavor of the President to render them as light and transient as possible; and should any injury be sustained therefrom by the subjects of his Majesty, the President is determined, the undersigned is instructed to say, that they shall, so far as it may rest with him, be amply indemnified. Should a state of civil war be precipitated, by any cause whatever, those inconveniences would be turned into evils of a wide-spread and disastrous character to other nations. Not only would the channels of commerce be closed, or, at least, seriously interrupted, and the agricultural and mining products of the United States, many of which have become necessary for other nations, be withheld; but the political systems of Europe and the cause of well regulated and constitutional government would suffer everywhere. A state of anarchy must ensue if the revolution be pursued. It is not to be expected that an empire of thirty-one millions of souls can be broken up, and the glories and blessings of its free government be thrown away at the behest of six millions, one-half of whom only are of the white race. The policy hitherto has been, on the part of the general government, and will continue to be, to avert such a calamity; and in asking the non-intervention of friendly nations, while it pursues a course of peace itself, it demands, it is confidently believed, what is most consistent with the cause of humanity and good government everywhere. And to no power is this caution addressed with more confidence than to his Majesty the King of the Netherlands.

The undersigned embraces this occasion to renew to his excellency Baron Van Zuylen Van Nijevelt the assurance of his high consideration.

HENRY C. MURPHY.