Mr. Fay to Mr.
Seward.
[Extract.]
No. 431.]
United States
Legation,
Berne,
July 2, 1861.
Sir: It is with the permission of my successor,
whom I learn to regard as a friend, that I address to you this my
closing despatch.
I have placed him in possession of the legation office records, cipher,
library, furniture, and all things pertaining to it. An inventory has
been prepared, from the despatch books, of everything received; and he
will doubtless inform you that he has verified it.
Yesterday, July 1, he accompanied me to the Palais
Fedéral, where we were received in the state reception-room by
the president and by the secretary of the federal chancery, Mr.
Leutscher. I handed in my letter of recall, and read, in German, the
remarks I had prepared. I then formally presented my successor, who gave
his lettre de créance, and who requested me to
read a German translation of his remarks, which I did. The president
then replied to the latter. I have the honor to subjoin these documents
in English.
Some conversation then ensued of a friendly character. On leaving, the
president informed me he would make me a visit, and, taking me warmly by
the hand, he said, (alluding to Neuchâtel,) “we shall never forget what
you have done for us.” We then drove to all the legations, and I
presented the new minister to the chefs de
mission, commencing with the French ambassador, the Marquis de
Turgot. It gives me pleasure to say Mr. Fogg obviously made a favorable
impression, and that it is a sincere satisfaction for me to see in my
place a gentleman who I have no doubt will represent with, dignity the
new country, which God is disengaging from elements irreconcilable with
its character as a Christian republic.
In my remarks to the president I thought it a proper occasion publicly to
record my opinion, that I might throw into the scale the influence,
however small, which I might possess from my long residence in
Europe.
With regard to the French and English declarations of neutrality, the
enclosed extract from the “New York Commercial Advertiser” emboldened me
to express the hope that those governments, whatever might have been [Page 334] their original intention,
would be careful as to the manner of applying the principle adopted.
* * * * * * * * *
I have the honor to be, sir, with the highest consideration, your
obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State of the United States of
America.
Mr. Fay’s
parting remarks to the president of the Swiss
confederation.
Mr. President. I have the honor to hand to
your excellency my letter of recall, and to present my estimable
successor, against whom I have only one objection—that he will, I am
afraid, perform the duties of his office better than I have done. I
am instructed by the President of the United States on this occasion
to repeat his sincere desire to continue to cultivate with you
relations of the closest friendship.
I resigned my appointment as minister in Switzerland, not that I had
any power or right to retain it contrary to the President’s wish,
but I thought it my duty, from certain considerations. This course
was not induced by any discontent with Switzerland. On the contrary,
I admire and love Switzerland. In my official transactions with the
government, and with the different members of it, I have always
found good sense and loyauté, and my private
intercourse with the nation has caused it to rise always more in my
esteem. I have been struck with the pure administration of justice,
the universal love of country, the modest and yet effective
character of the governments, and with the liberty of conscience
asserted by superior authorities, even where embarrassed by local,
contrary influences. Switzerland is peculiarly blessed by the
Almighty, and she has it in her power, under Him, to be the happiest
country in the world. Your free development in your present form is
a necessity for Europe.
Neither has my resignation resulted from difference of opinion with
the President of the United States. Our country is now occupied in a
struggle with an institution as unmanageable as the hydra of
Hercules. It is not my wish to misrepresent the proprietors of
slaves. Many of them are sincere, Christian gentlemen. But the
institution in its present form is irreconcilable with our national
existence, with the religious sentiment of the majority, and with
the Word of God. Nothing can be clearer than the right and duty of
the American people to protect themselves from its uncontrolled
development, and from being drawn downwards in their career of
political and religious civilization. Man should not live by bread
alone, nor by cotton alone.
The election of President Lincoln is the expression of this
sentiment. The struggle in which he is engaged is one of light with
darkness. Every Christian government in the world must be on his
side, for he represents humanity, liberty, civilization, and
religion. He represents also the principle of rational, popular
government, and his course thus far has given reason to believe that
he has been raised up by God to steer our nation through this
tempest, by a union of moderation with energy, and of rapid decision
with patient mercy and calm wisdom, if no encouragement from without
be offered to the insurrection. No one who prefers good to evil
would place an obstacle in his path.
[Page 335]
The movement of certain southern States—not to say persons—represents
not only rebellion against a Constitution and laws framed or freely
accepted by themselves, but negro slavery and the African slave
trade as one of its inevitable consequences. It represents also one
of the greatest crimes recorded in history—a black, secret,
long-matured, treacherous conspiracy, extending its ramifications
into European countries, which, among other objects, aimed at the
conquest of Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil, as the basis of a great,
despotic, and African slave-trade empire, and which, by the mercy of
God, must be shipwrecked against the steady firmness of the
President, the honesty, the patriotism, and the religious sentiment
of the American people. You will judge, Mr. President; also your
government and your people; Europe and history will also judge how
far any government, nation, or public press, can, consistently with
its character, approve or in any way encourage such an enterprise,
unless ignorant of its true nature. I have no doubt this
insurrection, although it has reached such proportions, will be
suppressed. We have the power, the right, and the will to suppress
it. It is not a war between two powers entitled to equal
international rights, any more than the rebellion in India was an
international war. It is an insurrection, and nothing more, and one
of the most unreasonable and unjust which the world has ever seen.
The American Union, carried out according to its original
intentions, offers to rapidly increasing millions material
prosperity, political and religious liberty. It is a blessing for
mankind; whereas the rise of a southern empire, built on such
foundations, and aiming at such designs, could not but be a
misfortune for itself and for all the world. It is one of the signs
of our times that error not only boldly raises its head, but that it
invites, with effrontery, the assistance of others, and sometimes
receives encouragement from quarters where it would least be
expected. I here in no way allude to the declarations of neutrality
lately proclaimed by two great powers, but to opinions expressed by
several journals. The declarations of neutrality have been
prematurely considered unfriendly acts by a portion of my
countrymen. They ought not to be so taken, unless applied in an
unfriendly manner; and I have no fear that either of these
enlightened and friendly governments would encourage the southern
movement by receiving its representatives or suffering its marine
prizes to be sold in their ports; and neither do I fear, Mr.
President, that the government of Switzerland, which has always on
such occasions proved itself wise and just, would ever throw its
weight into the scale of insane revolution, and of negro slavery
disengaged from all restraint, and of the African slave trade, by
receiving any representative of that portion of our States.
In concluding, Mr. President, I have the honor to bid you farewell,
and, in your person, to your estimable colleagues and to your free,
well-conducted, and happy country. May it never forget whence this
blessing comes, and what hand is indispensable for its continued
preservation! May your lakes and mountains—the admiration of the
world—ever represent, as they do now, peace, prosperity, prudence in
foreign policy, and, at home, Christian liberty!
Mr. Fogg’s
address to the President.
Mr. President: The just and lucid statement
of the present condition and prospects of the United States made by
my honored predecessor and friend leaves for myself little more than
the agreeable duty of reaffirming what he has so well said.
There are crises in the lives of nations as well as of individuals.
Switzerland [Page 336] has had her
crises. Times almost without number her brave mountaineers have been
called to arms to put down sedition at home and repel the invaders
from abroad. Thanks to the God of liberty, they have always
triumphed, and the land of Tell is still the home of the free.
The United States has had her crises. In her infancy, when Washington
led her brave sons to maintain her right to be one of the nations of
the earth, then was her crisis. Her second great, crisis is now,
when a despotic institution raises the standard of intestine war,
and appeals to foreign governments for sympathy and aid to break
down freedom and free institutions in America. This crisis, like
yours, shall be decided for liberty, and America, too, shall remain
the land of the free. The cloud which is now charged with
destruction will soon be dispersed, and be followed by the sunshine
of a purer and broader realization of the rights of mankind.
I am instructed to assure your excellency of the cordial good wishes
of the President of the United States, and of his desire to
cultivate and strengthen those relations of amity and sympathy which
have always subsisted and ought always to subsist between
governments whose political institutions are so nearly alike
In conclusion, let me say to your excellency and your associates that
it will be my highest ambition during my residence in your country
to so discharge all my duties that, while jealously guarding the
interests and rights of American citizens, I may deserve the
confidence and enjoy the personal friendship of all the members of
your government. Should I be as fortunate in these respects as my
predecessor has been, my highest hopes will be gratified.
President Knuesel’s reply.
The Swiss confederation has always taken a lively interest in
everything concerning the great sister republic beyond the Atlantic.
How could it be otherwise? The similarity of the democratic
federative institutions, the independence and liberty which both
enjoy, and which they had to obtain by force of arms, has
necessarily led to a mutual approach, however great the distance be
which separates the old world from the new. In this may be found,
perhaps, a principal reason why for a long series of years numerous
Swiss families emigrated to the United States, where they sought and
found a new home, and why the names of Swiss cantons and towns are
now to be found where for thousands of years uncultivated and
unpopulated forests and prairies existed. The intercourse between
the two nations has since steadily increased; the produce of one
country finds its market in the other, and numerous points of
connexion develop themselves ever more and more.
This harmony of political principles, sympathies, and interests has
for its consequence a steadily increasing approach of both nations,
which has already on different occasions shown itself by marks of
mutual cordiality. Names like that of William Tell, so dear to
Switzerland, were given to sea vessels by citizens of the United
States. The federal council responded to that salutation by hoisting
the Swiss flag on the mainmast of those ships. To the colossal
monument which the United States erected in memory of their
liberator, the immortal Washington, Switzerland has contributed a
stone with an inscription. Many more similar marks of mutual esteem
might be enumerated; suffice it to add the remark that a treaty of
friendship and commerce, concluded a few years ago, has but
strengthened the relations between the two countries.
Switzerland, from the sincere sympathy which she has for the welfare
of the Union, looks with anxiety upon the issue of the events which
now shake [Page 337] that country.
Switzerland passed through a similar crisis fourteen years ago,
which threatened to tear asunder the then loose connexion of the
twenty-two cantons. But renewed rose the present confederation from
that tempest; strengthened internally and abroad, she now stands
there, esteemed by the nations. May God grant that the connexion of
the States of the United States of America may also emerge renewed
and strengthened out of this crisis.
The president of the Swiss confederation presents his best thanks,
through your excellency, to the President of the United States for
his assurances of friendship and sympathy. He hopes that the new
minister resident will thoroughly acquaint himself with our
relations and laws. That would render the more possible for him a
strict performance of his duties; the projection of the rights and
interests of American citizens, and the preservation of a good and
ever friendly understanding with the Swiss government, which wishes
to unite loyauté with their maintenance of
authority. The President of the confederation may add that he thinks
the retiring minister resident has learned to esteem Switzerland,
her authorities and nation, and he may give to Mr. Fay the plain
assurance that he has acquired the esteem and the love of the
country and her magistrates. The President of the confederation
doubts not a moment that the relations between the federal council
and the present representative of America will always be of the most
friendly character.