Mr. Appleton to Mr. Seward.
[Extract.]
St. Petersburg, April 8–20, 1861.
Sir: The despatch of the department No. 10 and your circular of March 9th have been received, and I have had several interviews with Prince Gortchacow on the subject of them. Although no agent was here from the Confederate States, and none was immediately expected, I still thought it only prudent that your views in reference to these States should be known by the Russian government, in order that it might be prepared for the question of recognition whenever it should be presented. I, therefore, handed to Prince Gortchacow a copy of President Lincoln’s inaugural address, and read to him, at the same time, such portions of the despatches I have mentioned as seemed to me most important, particularly calling his attention to those passages which declare the unquestioned legality of the existing government, the revolutionary nature ef the movement which had been made against it, and the full confidence of the President that the harmony of the Union would be soon restored. In support of these views I added such suggestions of my own as I thought appropriate, and expressed the hope that our government might receive from Russia, at this crisis, a renewed manifestation of that friendly disposition which had always marked the intercourse between the United States and that empire. Prince Gortchacow replied that the question of recognizing the Confederate States was not now before the Emperor, and for the present he did not think it would be. I might assure you, he said, that his Majesty was not unmindful of the friendly relations which had so long subsisted between the two countries, and that he sincerely desired the harmony and prosperity of the Union. It was the only commercial counterpoise in the world, he added, to Great Britain, and Russia would do nothing, therefore, to diminish its just power and influence. It was only frank, however, to say, that while things continued as they were, the commerce between the Confederate States and Russia would not be interrupted. There was no blockade of southern ports, and any informality in the papers of ships which cleared there would be overlooked. This, he said, was the course determined on by England and France, and he understood it was pursued also by our own government. I told him I had no specific instructions on this point, and did not know what rule had been adopted concerning it by other nations. It seemed to me, however, that American ships ought to carry the American flag and be provided with American papers; and if this was not done or, still more, if the American character was repudiated, I hardly saw how they could be recognized as American ships. He said there were some difficulties certainly in the way, but it was better to overlook them, and to receive the ships for just what they were, vessels belonging to the [Page 300] United States, but not provided, in consequence of existing troubles, with the usual evidence of nationality. I said, they might deny that they belonged to the United States.
He replied that this would not alter the fact. They came from ports in the United States, and the separation of the Confederate States was not yet recognized. The policy, he said, involved no recognition of nationality, but was only a concession in aid of commerce. I replied that my only interest was to prevent this recognition. We desired to be permitted to work out the pending questions in the Union in our own way, and, in our endeavors to restore its unity and harmony, we thought we had a right to rely upon the friendly aid and co-operation of other nations. He said no nation would witness the restoration with more satisfaction than Russia.
This is the substance of our conversations, and I need hardly trouble you with any comments. It is obvious that Russia does not expect to be called upon to decide the question of recognition until this decision has been made by England and France, and that she expects to find it then of easy solution. In the meantime she expresses the hope, which I am inclined to think she really entertains, that our difficulties may be amicably adjusted and the Union restored to its old harmony and power. In the commercial policy which she has adopted towards southern ports she has evidently followed the example of Great Britain and France. I ought to add that Prince Gortchacow read to me extracts from several letters of Mr. Stoekl, the Russian minister at Washington, which indicated that the representatives of the three powers there were quite agreed upon this subject. Under these circumstances, after stating such objections to the policy as occurred to me, I contented myself with the assurance of Prince Gortchakow that it was not intended to involve any recognition of nationality.
I shall take care to inform you promptly of any attempts which may be made here “to embarrass or overthrow the republic,” and you may rely also upon my best efforts to prevent and counteract them.
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I am, very respectfully, yours,
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.