19. Letter From the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Mann) to the Ambassador to the Dominican Republic (Bennett)1
Dear Tap:
We, too, have been impressed with Reidʼs resolute and deft handling of his military people. As you point up in your letter of February 2,2 Reid is gaining experience and growing in the job. It is unfortunate that so many of the more articulate people in the Dominican Republic are disappointed he is making a success at it. This will not inhibit us in working with him so long as he continues to do the right things for his country and his people.
The problem of what to do about Juan Bosch is a difficult one. I do not think we can come up with a final answer at this time. Kennedy has briefed me on Boschʼs recent activities and we have examined options open to us for dealing with him. Unfortunately, there is very little room within which to maneuver.
From a legal standpoint, we have no evidence that Bosch has violated or conspired to violate any U.S. laws. What he has done is exercise the right of free speech. I can understand why the Dominicans find reason to complain about the way heʼs done it, but there isnʼt any law against it. Nor is there legal basis, or basis in precedent which would support a finding that Boschʼs activities have constituted an abuse of his status as a political asylee in the U.S. Iʼm afraid this would be true even if Bosch had made statements which could be identified clearly as incitation of Dominicans within the Dominican Republic to rebel against the Dominican government. Although we can agree that this is what he hopes to accomplish, after going over the statements we can attribute to him, we would also have to agree that he has carefully phrased what he has said to avoid anything approaching outright or clear-cut incitation to rebellion.
This leaves us with only one way to clamp down on Bosch. We could make a finding that his activities are prejudicial to the public interest within the meaning of Section 212(a)(27) of the Immigration and Nationality Act.3 But given the background and circumstances which [Page 56] have led to his being out of a job and in the United States, we could expect a hue and cry from liberals in the United States and Latin America at large if we decided to make such a finding. This certainty would have to be weighed against the damage which Boschʼs continued presence in Puerto Rico is likely to cause our interests in the Dominican Republic. There are other considerations to be taken into account as well.
Bosch is an unpredictable man, but we do know heʼs a political gambler, sometimes a reckless one. He plays what we might call a forcing game, as the series of crises he deliberately provoked during 1962 and 1963 demonstrate. It would be in character for him, then, to force us into a showdown.
Also, as you know, Bosch likes the underdog role. For years he has looked for ways to appear as the persecuted champion of democracy—just he and the people against the powerful forces of reaction. This is his style and it won the 1962 elections for him. He has also been effective in the pose of defender of national honor, dignity and independence.
We think the foregoing suggests that Bosch would seek to extract maximum advantage out of what he would picture as U.S. persecution on behalf of an illegal and unpopular government. His only chance to regain power probably lies in some kind of upheaval within the Dominican Republic. Under the circumstances, why should he hold back? At this point Bosch needs an issue. The best new tack available to him might well be to tag the Triumvirate with the U.S.–lackey label—another colonialist regime sold out to big brother. This could be particularly effective at a time of acute economic difficulties and it is not entirely improbable that he has had just this possibility in the back of his mind during recent weeks.
The possible effect on Boschʼs own political position is also worth our attention. We gather there is at least an outside possibility that some of his following might, under favorable circumstances, be attracted to a more moderate and responsible candidate in the September elections. The question then arises whether a new martyrʼs role for Bosch might not work against this desirable development. We realize that Boschʼs removal from Puerto Rico would weaken his grip on day-to-day PRD affairs but that this would result in a similar weakening of his popular appeal and ability to influence basic party policy appears doubtful to us.
Finally, let me give you some of our thinking on the larger aspects of the problem. Boschʼs claim to an exalted position among the hemisphereʼs democratic leaders has obviously been seriously eroded by events and by his own actions. Similarly, he is no longer quite such an attractive figure to liberals in this country as he once was. Reid, for his [Page 57] part, has had increasing success in conveying a responsible and progressive image to the U.S. press. These are gains which a move against Bosch could jeopardize.
In making these observations, I donʼt wish to leave the impression that we do not give considerable weight to the Embassyʼs arguments. We do not feel we should close the matter either way at this time. Our inclination at the moment is to take no action but we will be pleased to have whatever further thoughts you may have on the subject. You can at least be certain that we will give the problem another hard look when Bosch comes in for his next extension of stay in April.
Sincerely yours,
- Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, ARA Files: Lot 70 D 295, Dominican Republic, 1965–1967. Confidential; Official–Informal. Drafted by Shlaudeman and Crockett on February 24.↩
- Document 18.↩
- P.L. 414, June 27, 1952. (66 Stat. 184)↩
- Printed from a copy that bears this typed signature.↩