Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXV, South Asia

91. Telegram From the Embassy in India to the Department of State¹

New Delhi, March 5, 1965, 9 p.m.

2504. Governor Harriman called on Prime Minister Shastri evening March 4. Greene, L.K. Jha and MEA note-takers also present.²

Harriman conveyed cordial greetings from President to PM and expressed gratification that Prime Minister will be visiting President June 1 and 2³ and assured him of warm welcome.

Shastri expressed pleasure at prospect. Harriman outlined progressive nature of President’s domestic program with benefit to people and strength of U.S. economy. In response direct question by Jha on whether President was so preoccupied with domestic program he was not as concerned with foreign affairs, Harriman reassured him that although President had concentrated on getting his domestic program started in Congress, his attention to and concern for international issues has high priority.

Harriman said one of President’s major concerns is to protect against proliferation of nuclear weapons, and he asked for Shastri’s assistance to this end. Shastri’s position is admired and problems of Indian security are understood in Washington. U.S. has been glad to share with Shastri all information it has about Chinese capabilities and hopes Shastri will let us know if there is any further information he would like to have. Governor Harriman alluded to President’s October 18 statement, emphasizing our determination to reassure Asian nations who may be subject to blackmail.⁴

Shastri agreed non-proliferation of vital importance and said major nuclear powers must figure out how to assure it. He said India is not going to make nuclear weapons, and this makes it most important for GOI to figure out how to assure India’s defenses if India subject to nuclear threat, although India cannot join military pact.

Harriman recalled that at the time negotiation of partial test ban treaty, Khrushchev would not discuss non-proliferation agreement but had wanted universal commitment to test ban treaty and indicated desire isolate China. (Shastri concurred in this.) U.S. would like to proceed to comprehensive test ban agreement, but Soviets not yet willing to give necessary inspection. In this connection, we hope for resumption ENDC meetings in April and that GOI will agree, but Soviets have not responded to this suggestion.

Harriman expressed USG willingness discuss India’s nuclear security problem at any time GOI wished to raise it, and asked about Shastri’s talk with Wilson which it had been reported dealt with shield or umbrella. Shastri said he had had to deny public reports that he had asked Wilson for any such thing; he had told Wilson it was all right with him if Wilson discussed matter with President Johnson but it would be unwise for India, as only one of the non-nuclear powers, to seek a shield for itself alone. Thus the problem is for present nuclear powers to devise reassurances to all non-nuclear states against Chinese threat.

In reply to question, Shastri said he had no precise formula for accomplishing this; perhaps reassurance could take the form of joint statement that any threat from any nuclear power would be met, that there should be no further proliferation and that test ban should be total. He thought there might be other ways, and Governor Harriman invited him to let us have any ideas he had and in any event to help assure non-proliferation now.

In reply query, Harriman said we have no indications of change in Soviet policy on disarmament since Khrushchev’s ouster. We hope, and believe new Soviet leaders do too, that bilateral US-Soviet dialogue will continue. In this connection it would be most helpful to get from Shastri when he comes to Washington the information he obtained in Moscow on Soviet thinking on these matters. Shastri agreed.

Shastri asked what indications we have of ChiCom intentions regarding India. Harriman said we have nothing specific although ChiComs are generally more aggressive as they try to take from Moscow leadership of international Communist movement. They appear determined to support liberation movements and guerrilla actions rather than open warfare at present time. Shastri said he did not anticipate ChiCom attack on India in immediate future but there has been build up and logistic improvement in border areas.

Jha interjected that India is still weak in the air and Shastri said he would also look forward to talking to the President about U.S. military assistance. He thought our help in aircraft had not been coming along as scheduled;⁵ Jha corrected this to note that agreement has not yet been reached. In reply to query, Shastri said Soviets had not been fully coming through either. He and Jha said MIG production project is, however, going ahead.

Shastri turned to Southeast Asia, noting that discussions in Washington would have to be in light of circumstances at the time. Harriman recapitulated U.S. White Paper⁶ and stressed our hope escalation by North Vietnam would stop but equally our determination to stay with the job until North Vietnam lays off interference in South Vietnam. He stressed our conviction there is nothing to talk about at a conference until they do. He urged Shastri to get our latest views on this question just before he goes to Moscow, stressed we consider De Gaulle’s support of Soviet call for conference as unhelpful and hoped Shastri would not join with Soviets in that approach. Shastri indicated he understood.

In answer query, Shastri thought Kosygin had gone to Hanoi at least to offset ChiCom influence and possibly to seek a solution. He thought new Soviet leaders want to exercise moderating influence in SEA, where disillusionment with ChiComs is spreading, even including Ne Win but excluding Sukarno.

Shastri also anticipated discussing with President India’s economic affairs. Harriman noted there has been good progress but India’s needs will doubtless continue and increased investment both public and private, foreign and domestic, will be important. He expressed certainty GOI could get more foreign private investment with a little more understanding of the requirements of American businessmen regarding the investment climate; important element in this is U.S. businessman’s reluctance to let government, any government, control his investments. He added he was heartened in these respects by Prime Minister’s statement in Parliament March 2 (Embtel 2452).⁷

Shastri and Jha said that foreign private collaboration with domestic Indian private sector always welcome and point Governor had raised only relevant in respect of collaboration in public sector. Shastri said visiting American businessmen had recently expressed to him willingness to sell their equity to Indian public after say ten years.

Referring to his recent visit to Israel, Harriman described importance Israelis attach to water resources, akin to protecting national territory itself, and urged Shastri to keep an eye on outrageous and spiteful Arab diversion projects.

In brief reference to UAR, Harriman noted Nasser and Ben Bella are fishing for trouble, e.g., by passing Soviet equipment to rebels in Congo. Shastri said he thought Nasser has “succumbed to pressure” and seemed disenchanted with him.

In leaving, Harriman expressed confidence in Shastri’s leadership and in expanding cooperation between our two countries.⁸

Bowles

1. Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, POL 15–1 INDIA. Secret; Limdis. Repeated to Moscow and Saigon.
2. Under Secretary Harriman visited India March 3–7 following visits to Israel and Afghanistan and prior to attending a Far Eastern Chiefs of Mission conference in Manila. Deputy Chief of Mission Joseph N. Greene hosted the Harriman mission until Bowles returned from another commitment on March 6. In telegram 926 to Karachi, February 25, the Embassy was informed that the Department did not object to having the Pakistan Government draw the conclusion that Harriman’s failure to stop in Pakistan was related to Ayub’s forthcoming visit to Peking. (Ibid., POL 7 PAK)
3. Bowles was instructed on January 12 to extend an invitation from President Johnson to Prime Minister Shastri to visit Washington. (Telegram 1387 to New Delhi; ibid., POL 7 INDIA)
4. Rusk sent Harriman instructions for his and Bowles’ discussion with Shastri of Indian nuclear security in telegram 840 to Tel Aviv, February 27. (Ibid., POL 7 US/HARRIMAN; also available on the Internet, National Security Archive (www.gwu.edu/nsarchive), Electronic Briefing Book No. 6, “India and Pakistan—On the Nuclear Threshold,” Document 7)
5. Indian Army Chief of Staff General Chadhury reinforced this point in a conversation with Harriman on March 6, expressing the hope that the United States would agree to supply India with F–5A fighters. (Memorandum of conversation, March 6; National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, NEA Files: Lot 67 D 410, New Delhi)
6. Reference is to the report issued by the Department of State on February 27, 1965, entitled Aggression From the North: The Record of North Viet-Nam’s Campaign To Conquer South Viet-Nam. The report, without its attached photographs and appendixes, is printed in Department of State Bulletin, March 22, 1965, pp. 404–427.
7. Telegram 2452 from New Delhi, March 3, reported that in a debate in the Lok Sabha, Shastri stated that, in general, majority Indian share-holding would be required in most businesses established with foreign participation, but the Indian Government would allow majority foreign share-holding in selected cases where there was a lack of either local technical knowledge or adequate foreign exchange. (National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, POL 15–1 INDIA)
8. Harriman’s meeting with Finance Minister Krishnamachari on March 4 was reported in telegram 2482 from New Delhi, March 4. (Ibid., POL 7 US/HARRIMAN) On March 5 Harriman met in the morning with Foreign Secretary C.S. Jha and Commonwealth Secretary Rajeshwar Dayal. That conversation was reported in telegram 2511 from New Delhi, March 6. (Ibid., POL 1 INDIA–US) On the evening of March 5 Harriman met with Swaran Singh, who became Minister of External Affairs in July 1964. In contrast to his earlier meeting with Jha and Dayal, Harriman’s conversation with Singh, which ranged over such issues as nuclear policy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Congo, and Southeast Asia, was reported to have included a number of sharp exchanges. (Telegram 2512 from New Delhi, March 6; ibid., POL 7 US/HARRIMAN)