26. Memorandum From Secretary of State Herter to President Eisenhower0

SUBJECT

  • Proposed United States Initiative to Mobilize Free World Resources for Development and to Strengthen Trade Relations

The great—even startling—changes in the international economic situation over the past two years have created two new problems of major dimensions for our foreign policy.

1.

The first is: how can we mobilize the energies and resources of the other industrialized countries to assist the development of Asia, Africa, the Near East and other development-hungry parts of the Free World?

The enormous task of developing these areas must go forward or we will, in the end, lose out to the Communists.

The United States cannot provide the needed capital alone.

On the other hand, Western Europe and Japan, because of the great improvement in their monetary reserves—the reverse of the large payments deficit of the United States—are now financially capable of mounting a sizable effort which could powerfully assist our own, thereby greatly adding to the over-all strength and cohesion of the Free World.

What steps can the United States take to enlist the full cooperation of Western Europe and Japan in making this effort?

2.
The second problem is: how can we help to redirect the emerging trade rivalries within Western Europe into constructive channels which will reinforce rather than weaken world-wide trade and avoid the present risk of serious harm to our exports and those of other friendly countries outside Europe?

The European Economic Community (The Six), which the United States has strongly supported for political as well as economic reasons, is now being challenged by a new trade bloc of seven European countries (The Seven) under the de facto leadership of the United Kingdom.

The antagonisms between the Six and the Seven might develop into a trade war which could gravely divide our NATO partners on political and security issues.

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On the other hand, the Six and the Seven might feel compelled to compose their differences by trade deals which would discriminate against the exports of the United States and other friendly countries.

To help guide present European trade developments into more constructive channels beneficial to world trade will require the United States to abandon its present passive role and exercise determined leadership.

The Department of State has considered carefully the courses of action open to the United States in attacking successfully these major new problems in the field of development and trade. We have concluded that the most effective course would be for the United States to take the initiative in proposing the reorganization and revitalization of the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) and to announce the willingness of the United States to assume full membership in this revitalized institution. (The United States and Canada now participate only in an associate capacity.)

This action would symbolize our determination to work with Western Europe on the basis of full partnership in attacking the major problems of development and trade. It would constitute an act of creative United States leadership in a recently deteriorating situation. It would greatly increase the opportunity of the United States to influence the makers of European economic policy in two directions—greater European development efforts and actions to compose European trade quarrels on a basis consistent with sound world trade relations.

A reorganized OEEC would need to have a new name, and would have to provide for some form of participation by Japan.

United States membership in a reorganized OEEC would require some form of Congressional action. However, United States commitments would not go beyond acceptance of basic objectives and agreement to discuss and provide information. It is assumed that Canada would follow the United States lead and also become a full member.

A more detailed description of this proposal is enclosed.

The general outlines of this proposal have been discussed with Secretary Anderson, who concurs. If you approve, consideration should be given promptly to the method and timing of a public announcement of our intentions, possibly in your state of the union message.

Christian A. Herter
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[Enclosure]

Proposal for U.S. Membership in a Reorganized OEEC1

1.
Looking ahead over the next two or three years, there appear to be two major problem areas in our international economic relations for which present United States policies, and the institutions for implementing effective policies, are both inadequate. These two problem areas are: (1) the need for a much larger flow of development assistance to the less-developed areas from the other industrialized countries, especially Western Europe, and for harmonizing development assistance policies among the industrialized countries; and (2) the need for preventing the emerging trade arrangements within Western Europe from gravely damaging either United States world-wide commercial policies and objectives or NATO political cooperation.
2.
With respect to the problem of development assistance, the United States has so far failed to devise an approach which would be effective either in getting the Europeans to step up their long-term development assistance, or in creating a suitable forum for the discussion of basic policies to guide development lending. Consideration is being given to using the Executive Directors of the International Bank (or of the new IDA) for these purposes. It seems clear, however, that the Bank mechanism cannot fully accomplish these objectives for three main reasons. First, while the Bank could be very helpful as a clearing house for information of a statistical nature, it is a lending institution rather than a policy organization. Second, under the Bank’s structure, power is heavily concentrated in the hands of the management, with relatively little left to the Executive Directors. And, third, the Executive Directors of countries or areas other than the United States are not persons of adequate responsibility in their own governments such as would enable them to speak with authority or influence on the subject of over-all development lending policies of their governments. The UN, the only other general institution having specific responsibilities in the field of development is obviously unsuitable because of its unwieldy structure, the character of governmental representation, and the presence of the Communists.
3.
With respect to present European trade developments, there are two problems. One is that the trade rivalry between the Common Market (The Six) and the new European Free Trade Area (The Seven) may embitter intra-European political cooperation and may react against the United States, which has so far refrained from any effort to compose these differences in a constructive manner. The other problem is that the Europeans will compose their differences, without [Page 61] United States participation, by means of discriminatory arrangements which would seriously hurt the trading interests of the United States and other friendly countries outside of Europe. This would undermine our multilateral trade policies as reflected in GATT. Unfortunately, these two problems cannot be adequately solved through GATT alone because of the presence in GATT of a large number of non-European countries and because the European representatives in GATT are not the officials who determine intra-European trade policies.
4.
If these two vital problems in the field of development and trade are not dealt with through cooperative action, they could lead to a serious decline in the rate of economic growth of the Free World (which must be increased in the face of the Communist threat) and to sharply divisive political wrangles within Western Europe and between Europe and America which would inevitably weaken the NATO alliance.
5.
It is believed our best hope for attacking these two problems is through a reorganization of the OEEC and through the assumption by the United States (and Canada) of full membership in place of our present associate status. With the achievement of European recovery, the cessation of United States economic assistance to Western Europe, and the dissolution of regional trade and payments arrangements in Europe, the original task of the OEEC has been completed. Nevertheless the quality of the secretariat of the organization, the fact that OEEC meetings are normally attended by Ministers and senior officials responsible for governmental economic policies, and the geographic scope of the organization (which embraces the whole of the industrialized world except Japan), mean that the OEEC could become a really effective instrument for dealing with the new problems of development and intra-European trade outlined above. While we have participated in the OEEC for years as associate members, assumption of full membership would have great symbolic importance to our European friends and would give us a greatly improved opportunity to exercise leadership in the economic field in accordance with our world-wide responsibilities.
6.
The main functions of a reorganized OEEC should include the following:
a.
Discussion of methods of increasing the flow of long-term European capital to the less-developed areas, including the establishment of the necessary national lending institutions (now almost completely lacking) by individual European nations.
b.
Discussion of basic policies of member governments relating to development lending. (The OEEC should not get into the field of joint action on specific development projects or of providing information or appraisals on such projects. These activities properly belong to the [Page 62] World Bank, where they should remain. However, the OEEC can and should be used as a multilateral forum for handling special situations such as the recent Turkish and Spanish programs.)
c.
Discussion of the basic trade policies of the EEC and the emerging EFTA, particularly as they affect member countries. It should be made clear that the basic trade principles of a reorganized OEEC will be those of the GATT. (The United States would use the OEEC forum as a means of (i) enlisting the cooperation of EEC in the direction of liberal trade policies on a nondiscriminatory basis and of (ii) helping to assure that relations between EEC and EFTA develop in a manner beneficial to United States trade and GATT objectives.)
d.
Discussion of measures to eliminate all quantitative trade restrictions maintained by Western European countries as soon as possible (short-run).
e.
Continuation of the present OEEC function of discussing broad economic policies affecting European and world economic relations (e.g. business cycle policy and balance-of-payments problems).
7.
In order to achieve United States purposes it would be necessary for the United States (and Canada) to drop their present role of “associate members” and participate fully in the new functions of a revitalized OEEC. Only in this way can we be sure of bringing to bear the full weight of our influence. The assumption of full United States membership would also symbolize a fresh initiative and determination on the part of the United States to exercise leadership in mounting a broad program by the industrialized countries to help the less-developed areas.
8.
In proposing a reorganized OEEC the United States would seek changes in the present organizational structure designed to (a) alter the existing pattern of U.K. preeminence in the organization and (b) give the OEEC greater direction through the establishment of a limited Executive or Steering Group. In connection with the latter proposal, provision might be made for the participation in the Executive Group of one representative acting for the EEC countries as a unit.
9.
A reorganized OEEC should contain provision whereby Japan could be allowed to participate, at least in discussions of subjects of concern to all the major industrialized countries—e.g. basic policies regarding development assistance, business cycle and balance-of-payments problems. Such participation might be achieved through either full or associate membership for Japan.
10.
United States membership in a reorganized OEEC would require some form of Congressional action, including authorization to contribute to the OEEC budget. Any commitments affecting the United States flowing from membership in a reorganized OEEC should not go beyond adherence to general objectives, undertakings to discuss and the provision of information. The OEEC rule of unanimity should be preserved. A reorganized OEEC should be appropriately renamed to avoid a purely regional connotation.
  1. Source: Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, DullesHerter Series. Secret. No drafter is indicated on the source text. A note in Goodpaster’s handwriting on the memorandum states that the President had seen it and that Administrative Assistant to the President Malcolm C. Moos had the substance of his comments for Dillon’s office.
  2. Secret. The enclosure, dated November 24, bears no indication of the drafter.