223. Memorandum From the President’s Administrative Assistant (Anderson) to the President’s
Personal Secretary (Whitman)0
Conference—August 15, 1958—11:24 to 11:58 a.m.
The Vice President, General Persons,
Secretary Dillon, Bryce Harlow and I conferred with the
President on the current status of the Mutual Security program.1
Bryce detailed the recent
conversations he had with Clarence
Cannon, John Taber and
others. He emphasized the fact that Cannon is the key vote as far as the House conferees are
concerned, and although Taber has
promised to confer with him, he has not yet had the opportunity and
consequently we have no report.
The President as usual emphasized the need for adequate funds, not only for
MSA, but to carry out his recent commitments in his speech to the General
Assembly of the United Nations Organization,2 indicating that the two are tied closely together. The
President stated that he hoped Lyndon
Johnson might rise to the height of real statesmanship and
suggest to the Senate that they provide not only the $440 million reported
by the Appropriations Committee, but provide all the funds contained in the
authorization bill. Bryce and Dick
Nixon will check this out with Johnson.
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There was also some discussion about the advisability of having the President
invite the four key Senators and key Congressmen to an “Off the Record”
meeting at the Mansion. This was left in abeyance pending further
discussions.
[Attachment
2]
3
SUMMARY
- 1.
- New Developments. Since the House action on
the Mutual Security Appropriations Act, the revolt in Iraq4 has created
the possibility that country will withdraw from the Baghdad Pact.
This would weaken the military position of Iran and Turkey, and
therefore of the entire free world. To compensate for this will
require additional expenditures in this area from military
assistance and additional defense support for Iran. The new
stabilization program in Turkey, vital for the position of the free
world, will require additional economic assistance to that country.
Economic dislocations in the area will require double the previously
planned assistance for Lebanon and Jordan, and may require more
support for countries like Greece, Pakistan, Israel, Ethiopia, the
Sudan and Afghanistan. The total of the new requirements now
foreseen amounts to about $350 million.
- 2.
- Funds Available. Such new requirements
cannot be met through the $8,278 million “available for
expenditure”. Of these funds $5,142 million are already obligated or reserved for previously determined
needs. Based on the action of the House, the only funds
available to carry the Mutual Security Program forward are $3,135,
consisting of $3,078 in new appropriations and $57 million in the
carry over of old funds. While the entire $8,278 remains to be
spent, it is not all available for use. The $5,142 which has been
obligated or reserved is to pay for orders of items of assistance
which are still needed. The use of these funds would leave a gap in
some previously determined need and would not assist in carrying
forward the program.
- 3.
- Transfer Authority. The new situations
described under (1) above cannot be met through the use of the ten
percent transfer authority. As pointed out in (2), this authority
would only have meaning with respect to the $3,135 in funds
available for carrying the program forward. The transfer authority
can also only be used if some
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category of aid contains sufficient resources
that part of these resources can be withdrawn without serious damage
to the program. In view of the cuts already made, and the new
requirements for additional assistance which now exist, such a
situation does not prevail.
- 4.
- Levels of Aid. The Executive Branch
considers that the appropriation of the full $3,518 in the Senate
bill is essential if we are adequately to maintain the security
position of the free world and support the foreign policy objectives
of the United States. This figure will require serious reductions in
planned levels of aid; any lesser figure would represent a far more
costly gamble with our security and might in the long run amount to
greater expenses for the American taxpayer. A compromise between the
Senate and House, which might put $100 million into the Development
Loan Fund, $75 million into Defense Support, and $45 million into
the Contingency Fund would have the following consequences:
- a.
- Development Loan Fund. During the
first six months of actual operation, the DLF used funds in the amount of
$283 million. Maintenance of this rate would require the
$580 million recommended by the Senate Committee. A $400
million figure would mean less development assistance than
was given in FY 57 and a 31
percent reduction in the rate of the DLF this past half-year. Alternately, if the
DLF for reasons of
national security continued at the present rate, all funds
would be exhausted by about March and it would be necessary
to seek a supplemental appropriation.
- b.
- Defense Support. A compromise
figure of $775 million would represent a reduction of $60
million in the President’s request. New requirements already
identified mean that in effect a reduction of about $85
million would have to be absorbed in the programs of South
Asia and the Far East. With the Communist Chinese moving MIG
17’s to the mainland coast opposite Taiwan, it would seem
foolhardy to reduce our support for those countries which
border on Communist China: Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam. Yet
these programs will have to be reduced under the $790 figure
of the Senate. Any further reductions would be reckless
folly on our part.
- c.
- Contingency Fund. Requirements have
already arisen in this fiscal year which will use $65
million in the Contingency Fund. Under the House figure,
this would leave the President only $35 million—obviously
inadequate even to last until January. The Senate figure
would leave $90 million. Resources of this magnitude would
seem to be the minimum margin to last until Congress
reconvenes, at which time further action could be taken if
the situation indicated that such action was
necessary.
- d.
- Special Assistance. The compromise
figure suggested in (4) above would provide no increase in
the figure of $185 appropriated by the House. This figure
represented a cut of $27 million from the amount requested
by the President in aid which was planned for such countries
as Jordan, Ethiopia, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya in the Middle
Eastern region; a program in Bolivia which is important to
our whole
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Latin
American policy; and the world-wide program of malaria
eradication. None of these countries appears able to absorb
a proportionate cut of $27 million without serious damage to
its economy.