145. Letter From the Director of Central Intelligence (Dulles) to the Acting
Secretary of State1
Washington, November 6,
1955.
Dear Herb: I have carefully reviewed the
messages you sent me yesterday with regard to the “Package” plan for the
admission of new UN members. I addressed
myself particularly to the consequences of admitting the four European
Soviet satellites, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Albania, and to the
Outer Mongolia question.
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Before he left FOSTER spoke to me
about the satellite admission problem. I told him that I thought the
effect, at least initially, would be unfavorable as regards the efforts
we are making to build up morale and maintain the hope of eventual
liberation in these countries. I added that I did not think this effect
would be disastrous over the long run and that I realized that on the
political side the State Department had to weigh the great advantages to
be derived from bringing in a substantial group of Western oriented
states against the disadvantages of taking in the satellites.
On further consideration I see no reason to change that position.
If it is decided to proceed, I think it would be possible to strengthen
the portion of Cabot Lodge’s
proposed statement which deals with the satellites, and I have submitted
in the enclosure a suggested rephrasing. You may find parts of it too
stiff, but I felt we should put in all our thoughts and leave it to you
and Cabot to apply the
scissors.
Furthermore, I feel that it is most important that both VOA and Radio Free Europe be given a brief
time to prepare for this announcement, naturally on a highly
confidential basis, so that they can immediately explain in vigorous
terms the reasons for our action along the lines of the attached
memorandum.
. . . . . . .
I am getting together some material on Outer Mongolia in case you need
more ammunition on this particular subject.2
Sincerely,
[Enclosure]
Suggested changes in Ambassador Lodge’s draft statement for the Press—Delga 217, November 4, 1
PM—beginning with third full paragraph page 2, through end of
statement.
It is reported that the Soviet Union will withhold its veto and that
these free nations can become members of the United Nations, if the
free world is willing not to block the admission of the
[regimes]3
of four countries from behind the Iron Curtain—Albania,
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Bulgaria, Hungary, and
Rumania.
The peoples of these countries, as distinct from the regimes
presently imposed upon them, have proud national heritages. Their
history is full of examples of courageous devotion to the cause of
national freedom and independence. We have not forgotten that about
a century ago the Hungarian patriot, Kossuth, came to this free
country to gain our support for his brave struggle to free his
native land.
Citizens of these countries have also in the past made great
contributions in nearly every field of human endeavor. If
represented by governments of their own choosing, they would have
much to offer the UN. Then they would
be in a position to send as delegates to this organization those who
could speak for their real aspirations and defend their true
national interests. Under these conditions we could all welcome
their election to membership.
But the governments of those four countries, as they are constituted
today, are neither representative of the majority will of their
peoples nor free in their relation with other states to advance
their own national interests and objectives. Those governments were
initially imposed by naked military force, and it is force not free
consent that keeps them in power—force exercised by concentration
camps, secret police and foreign troops. In international affairs,
these governments are not free agents but are completely under the
control of the Soviet Union, whose foreign policy and economic needs
determine their every decision.
For these reasons, the United States has never been in favor of the
admission of these four regimes.4 It has seemed to us,
however, that the addition to UN
membership of 13 free nations with all the understanding and support
they can give to the cause of the free world more than outweighs the
disadvantages of permitting the four satellites to join.
In no sense does the abstention of the U.S. on the issue of satellite
membership indicate that we accept as permanent the present
situation in these four countries in Eastern Europe. As President
Eisenhower stated at the
Geneva Conference in July: “On a broader plane, there is the problem
of respecting the right of peoples to choose the form of government
under which they will live; and of restoring sovereign rights and
self-government to those who have been deprived of them. The
American people feel strongly that certain peoples of Eastern
Europe, many with a long and proud record of national existence,
have not yet been given the benefit of
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this pledge of our United Nations wartime
declaration, reinforced by other wartime agreements.”
Again, as President Eisenhower
stated in August when speaking in Philadelphia before the American
Bar Association: “The domination of captive countries cannot longer
be justified by any claim that this is needed for purposes of
security. …5 Very probably the reason for
these and other violations of the rights of men and of nations is a
compound of suspicions and fear. That explains. It cannot excuse. In
justice to others and to ourselves we can never accept these wrongs
as a part of the peace that we desire and we seek. …”
The satellite regimes of Poland and Czechoslovakia have long enjoyed
UN membership. Unfortunately this
fact has neither helped them to win popular support at home nor to
advance their interests abroad. The convinced Communists who will
largely make up the UN delegations of
these four new members will obtain only the ritualistic satisfaction
of having followed Kremlin instructions on how to vote and what to
say. But there may be some members of these delegations who will
learn much in the UN and whose
contacts here may widen the possibilities for freedom of their
people.
The determined opposition of the majority of the people of these
countries to Communist rule and Soviet economic exploitation will
eventually win them freedom and the strength of this opposition at
home and in exile will not be affected by this temporary
representation in the UN through
alien regimes.
Meanwhile, it is not too much to urge that as part performance of the
obligations which the satellite governments will undertake as UN members, they will do away with iron
curtains and other barriers to normal decent relations with other
nations.
For all these reasons, the United States intends to vote for the
admission of the thirteen and to refrain from voting against the
four mentioned above.
Our warm and friendly feelings for the Republic of Korea and the
Republic of South Vietnam whose allies and supporters we are, is
well known. Because their territory is unfortunately divided, they
are not now being presented for membership.