741.56374/3–1954

No. 1300
Memorandum by the Deputy Under Secretary of State (Murphy) to the Secretary of State1

top secret

Subject:

  • British Proposal on Suez.

Attached is a summary of today’s State–JCS meeting regarding the recent British proposal on Suez which I believe you may find useful preparatory to your meeting with Admiral Radford on this subject tomorrow morning.2

[Attachment]

Summary Of State–JCS Meeting—March 19, 1954

Subject:

  • British Proposal on Suez (London’s 3991)

After introductory remarks by Mr. Murphy, Mr. Jernegan outlined the British proposal, emphasizing that any feasible arrangement with respect to Suez on a purely Anglo-Egyptian basis would probably be unacceptable to the British. but that if the U.S. agreed to the British proposition, it would certainly be acceptable to the British, and probably to the Egyptians. It was pointed out that more intransigence on the part of the British and a series of incidents might be expected if some new step of this kind were not taken. Special reference was made to the importance the British attach to the Egyptians creating an atmosphere of “mutual confidence”. The basic questions are:

1.
How long can Eden hold the Conservatives in line?
2.
How long can the Egyptian situation be controlled pending an arrangement to make an agreement?

United States involvement under the British proposal was listed by Mr. Jernegan as:

1.
A willingness, though not a commitment, to be included in such an arrangement.
2.
A commitment of a sort (a) to consult in the event of an attack upon Egypt, the Arab countries and Turkey; and (b) to consult in the event of a “threat” to these countries or Iran.
3.
Agreement to assist in arranging to make an American contribution. (It was pointed out that this had come up before, and had been approved in principle by the U.S. Government.)

Mr. Jernegan believed that the Egyptians would look favorably on this proposal because:

1.
It eliminates the “uniforms” question.
2.
It meets the “availability” formula which is acceptable to both sides.
3.
It associates the United States with the effort.

Mr. Murphy emphasized that a question of British domestic politics is involved, and that the element of United States association would clinch the matter with Churchill and with the Conservative back benchers. Mr. Murphy suggested that it was likely that the Egyptians would agree to invite us (although we had not yet explored this point with Ambassador Caffery), and referred to Ambassador Caffery’s close association with the negotiations so far.

Mr. MacArthur reviewed the Secretary’s discussion with Eden on this subject at Berlin. It was stressed then, he said, that if the present situation dragged on it would result in a hardening and a deterioration of the position on both the British and Egyptian side.

Admiral Carney interjected that more than Egypt was involved; that even if we accepted, difficult negotiations on details might ensue and that long-standing friction not only between Britain and Egypt but also between Britain and all the Near East might be transferred to us; and that there were also cost considerations which had to be studied.

Mr. Jernegan replied that we are likely to suffer from these disabilities whether or not we accepted this present proposal. Mr. MacArthur echoed this, and stressed that the acceptability of the proposal to the Egyptians was a sine qua non of our participation.

Admiral Radford suggested that if we should take this on, we should demand that the British accept a reasonable Iranian oil settlement.

Further discussion involved exactly what the proposal committed us to. Admiral Carney pointed out that we would be involved very [Page 2236] heavily in the Middle East in any tension which involved the British.

Exploring the availability conditions, Admiral Radford pointed out that they are very limited if Iran was not included; and that the USSR could initiate a militay operation in the Middle East (in Iran, for example) without violating Turkey.

The Air Force representative did not believe that the proposed “availability” arrangement would mean as much to us as it would if it involved NATO, and that it would assist the British position in the Near East far more than it would our own in a global war.

One JCS suggestion was that we should agree to the proposal on condition that the United States present it to Egypt and that, if acceptable, the British accede to it. Mr. MacArthur stated that if we let the British propose it we would still get the credit . . . ; and that an easing of UK–Egyptian tensions might also result—which would not be the case if the U.S. presented it.

Mr. Jernegan stressed the importance of time. He said that this was a desperate and last ditch effort by Eden to get a settlement and that it put the Foreign Secretary very much out on a limb.

Discussion took place concerning the possibility of having an answer from the JCS by Saturday. The JCS felt that this was not nearly enough time.

Consideration was given to the suggestion that the United States Government should take a long hard look at this proposal and should not be stampeded into making a hasty decision. The JCS felt a short but reasonable study should be made of the implications of the British proposal.

  1. Drafted by John Goodyear, Special Assistant to the Deputy Under Secretary of State.
  2. No record of this meeting has been found in the Department of State files.