611.80/5–953

No. 605
Department of State Position Paper1

secret
STA D–3
[Page 1189]

Israel

Summary Paper2

1.
Financial and Economic Aid to Israel—Israel is not a viable state and requires outside financial assistance. It has been largely sustained by United States contributions, private and public. However, we are endeavoring to follow a policy which will (1) avert financial collapse causing even greater area instability; (2) hold our contribution to the minimum; and (3) encourage development and fiscal policies in Israel that will allow us to terminate United States Government grant aid as quickly as possible.
2.
Military Aid to Israel—Israel may now purchase military supplies and equipment from official United States sources on a cash reimbursable basis. Israel wishes to be found eligible for grant military aid. Among the reasons we have declined grant aid are, (1) military aid is a regional problem, (2) Israel’s military establishment is believed to be greater than that of any present combination of Arab states, and (3) no Near East state has been found fully eligible for grant assistance. While we are prepared to give grants to Israel at the appropriate time, we are not indicating this while Egyptian negotiations are going on.
3.
MEDO (Middle East Defense Organization)—Israel thinks MEDO should include her. She feels her geographic position and her military establishment entitles her to charter membership. We hold that with the present Arab-Israel tension, no Arab state would share military information with a MEDO which includes Israel. We have evolved a formula whereby Israel would not be a charter member but would be kept generally informed by means of parallel arrangements.
4.

Refugees (Arab)—These problems include blocked Arab accounts, compensation to Arabs for property in Israel, and refugee resettlement in Israel. Israel has agreed to release the blocked accounts and has agreed to the principle of paying compensation, and, in connection with an overall peace settlement once offered to accept up to 100,000 refugees.

The United States has provided considerable sums for the care and resettlement of refugees in Arab states and has urged Israel to make a unilateral declaration that up to 100,000 Arab refugees would be permitted to settle in Israel. We have also urged Israel and the Arab states to settle their differences, including those over refugees, by direct negotiations.

5.

Jerusalem—Israel believes that in any plan for internationalization of Jerusalem, political control should remain with states now occupying it. Israel further believes that, as Jerusalem is Israel’s capital, all government ministries should be there. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs is to be moved to Jerusalem about June of this year.

We are obligated by UN resolutions to oppose annexation of Jerusalem by Israel and Jordan, the occupying states. At the same time we realize that the present uncertain status should not continue indefinitely. We have informed the Israel Government we do not intend to transfer our mission from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

6.

Border Problems—Israel until recently followed a policy of armed retaliation against Jordan border settlements as a means of controlling infiltration into Israel by Jordan nationals. Jordan–Israel border troubles have been referred to as a “miniature war”. We have urged both parties to follow policies of patience and restraint and to make fullest use of United Nations machinery and procedures. To make United Nations machinery more effective, we are considering two ideas: (1) to have three (instead of one at present) Jordan–Israel Mixed Armistice Commissions and (2) to have whole border situation aired in Security Council.

General Riley USMC (Ret.), present UNTSO Chief of Staff, has resigned effective May 15 and we are looking for a successor.

7.
Immigration—Israel’s Jewish population increased from 650,000 in May 1948 to approximately 1,425,000 at present (plus 175,000 Arab population today). Israel’s policy of unlimited immigration has been drastically curtailed for economic reasons. A potential threat to Near East stability is the number of Jews in the Soviet Union (about 2,500,000). Should they be able to emigrate, we consider it would be a problem for the world rather than for Israel. The United States has contributed to Israel during the past two years well over $100,000,000 for rehabilitation and settlement of Jewish refugees already in Israel.
8.
The Arab League—The Arab states have organized themselves against Israel in an economic boycott and in a collective security pact. The boycott is hurting economically but is not likely to strangle Israel. The cost to Israel is paid by the United States, in effect.

Israel is particularly concerned about Egypt’s Suez Canal restrictions on commerce to and from Israel and has asked our assistance to force Egypt to comply with the Security Council Resolution of September 1, 1951 calling on Egypt to desist from restricting commerce. We have declined to comply with Israel’s requests in the belief that the present Egyptian Government should not be hampered in its effort to gain prestige, which will be necessary to enable it to talk peace with Israel.

[Page 1191]

[Tab 1]

Financial and Economic Aid for Israel

Background

Israel’s present agricultural and industrial resources are inadequate to support a population of 1,600,000 people accustomed for the most to a relatively high standard of living. While immigration is no longer high and an austerity standard of living is being enforced, substantial outside aid is necessary simply to maintain the present level of consumption. Additional help is required (1) to provide service and repayment on a heavy foreign indebtedness, and (2) to finance a development program which might some day make Israel self-sustaining.

The United States Jewish community has contributed some $700,000,000 since 1945 to Jewish Palestine and Israel. This private aid has not been sufficient in recent years, however, and has been supplemented by United States Government aid. Specifically, in fiscal years 1950–51 $135,000,000 in Export-Import Bank loans and $23,250,000 in free agricultural commodities were provided. Technical economic aid totalling $64,950,000 was granted in fiscal 1952 and $73,000,000 in fiscal 1953.

Israel Position

Israel has requested MSA aid of $118,000,000 for fiscal 1954 to be used for immigrant relief and resettlement and for economic development. In addition, Israel has requested a “one-time” grant of $70,000,000 to pay its short- and intermediate-term debts falling due during a twelve-months’ period. This additional request is supported by Israel on the grounds that its large overhanging foreign debt threatens to paralyze its supply program, seriously encourages internal inflation and jeopardizes its hopes for peace with the Arab states by stimulating Arab expectations that Israel’s economy will break down.

United States Position

Our analysis indicates that MSA aid of $50–60,000,000 should be adequate to maintain present austerity standards of living and provide possibly $10–20,000,000 for modest capital development toward viability. We question whether large-scale aid to pay Israel’s debts would be justified at this time. While there are strong political and economic reasons why we should help Israel, if necesary, to avoid default, we are inclined to feel that if default becomes imminent, consideration might first be given to meeting the problem from loan funds or, if this is not feasible, by making emergency use of MSA funds already appropriated for Israel’s benefit.

[Page 1192]

[Tab 2]

Military Aid

Background

The armed conflict between Israel and the Arab states of the Near East was terminated in 1949 by armistice arrangements. Efforts to conclude peace agreements have not been successful.

Israel considers her existence is endangered by the absence of peace with her four Arab neighbors (Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Egypt) and their threats of a “second round” with Israel. Israel therefore believes it essential to her existence to maintain defense forces (Army, Air, Naval) capable of effectively resisting attacks by any combination of the Arab states.

There are three procedures whereby Israel may procure military equipment from the United States, namely, from United States official stocks on a cash reimbursable basis, from the United States Government on a grant basis, and from commercial sources. Israel was found eligible in July 1952 for cash reimbursable assistance and has submitted a list of items desired, part of which has already been approved. Israel continues to purchase military supplies in the United States and elsewhere from commercial sources. Israel has not, however, been found eligible to receive grant military assistance from the United States.

Israel’s Position

Israel considers most unusual the furnishing of military aid by a friendly power (United States) to a country which considers itself to be at war with Israel (e.g., Egypt) and believes peace with Israel and appropriate regional defense arrangements should precede military aid to any Arab state.

United States Position

While recognizing the legitimacy of Israel’s concern, the United States position has been that the best possibility of peace in the Near East at present is through Egypt’s Premier General Naguib, whose regime must be strengthened before his public opinion will permit him to arrange a settlement with Israel. For this reason Egypt has been found eligible for grant military assistance for training, and the necessary agreement is under negotiation. Also, we have offered to sell Egypt $11,000,000 of military equipment. We are prepared in principle to offer Israel grant aid, but we cannot do it now without jeopardizing present tendency of Arabs to move toward peace with Israel. We are therefore not saying anything about this step.

[Page 1193]

The only other Near East state found eligible for grant military assistance is Saudi Arabia, where special considerations (Dhahran Air Base) made the finding necesary.

[Tab 3]

MEDO (Middle East Defense Organization)

Background

Because de jure peace does not exist between Israel and the Arab states of the Near East, it would not be possible at this time to set up a MEDO which would include both Arab and Jewish members. Therefore, efforts to establish MEDO have considered only the Arab states as charter members (plus, of course, certain Western powers).

Israel’s Position

Israel believes that her geographic position, and the fact that she has the most effective military establishment in the Middle East, exclusive of Turkey, makes essential her membership in MEDO for it to be a success. She considers it lacking in logic for the West to organize MEDO without her.

United States Position

The United States and other powers trying to organize a MEDO recognize there could not be a MEDO with Israel as a charter member. They also recognize the validity of Israel’s contentions. They have therefore evolved the formula whereby only the Arab states would be invited to become charter members but parallel arrangements would be made with Israel and Israel would be kept generally informed of developments. This formula has been made known to the Israel Government.

[Tab 4]

Arab Refugees

(See Regional Paper on Refugees)3

Background

The end of the armed conflict in 1949 found almost one million Arabs as refugees, having fled or been driven away from their homes in the new State of Israel. The Arab states hold Israel responsible [Page 1194] for the status of the Arab refugees. They insist on recognition by Israel of the “right” of the refugees to return to their homes, on payment of compensation by Israel for their property losses, and on release of the blocked refugee bank accounts in Israel.

Israel’s Position

Israel has agreed to the release of the blocked Arab accounts, which amount to the equivalent of approximately $14,000,000, and to the actual payment of a first installment of one million pounds sterling. Details of the transfer were worked out by the PCC (Palestine Conciliation Commission) and the mechanics of the operation are being carried out by certain banking institutions, assisted by United Nations Relief and Works Agency. Some Arabs have signed the application for the release of their funds but the vast majority, on the urging of Arab governments and Arab leaders, have refused to sign the complex application form pending a clarification of its exact implications.

Israel has agreed to the principle of paying compensation for Arab properties in Israel. The extent of the problem is now being examined by the PCC and the amount of the obligation is expected to be known within the next few months. The question then will be where Israel is to obtain the funds with which to make the payment. Israel believes that it would be unrealistic for her to attempt to pay such a large obligation as long as the Arab states continue their economic boycott against Israel.

Israel offered to accept, in connection with an overall peace settlement, up to 100,000 Arab refugees. While that offer has since been withdrawn, Israel would probably agree to it again as a part of a general peace settlement with the Arab states.

United States Position

The United States has worked with the United Nations and its various organizations, both directly and by diplomatic support, in trying to find solutions to the various problems mentioned. We have successfully urged Israel to release the blocked Arab accounts, to agree to the principle of compensation without any quid pro quo, and we have provided substantial sums for the care and resettlement of the refugees in the Arab states. We have urged the Israel Government and her Arab neighbors to enter into direct negotiations in order to solve or alleviate mutual problems. It is probable that in the near future we shall want to make a new effort to get the parties together to resolve the refugee and other problems blocking Arab-Israel peace.

[Page 1195]

[Tab 5]

Jerusalem

Background

The United Nations resolution of November 29, 1947, contained a provision for the internationalization of Jerusalem which has thus far not been possible to implement, although the UN has had before it proposals extending from complete territorial control by a UN authority to the Swedish-Belgium proposals for a UN supervisor of the Holy Places with the administration of the city to remain with the states in occupation. In December 1949, despite UN admonition, Israel began the transfer to Jerusalem of its legislature and ministries. At present only the Ministry for Foreign Affairs has not moved to Jerusalem.

In addition to the political problems of Jerusalem, the city and its environs are of tremendous importance to three of the world’s principal religions. It contains the third most holy Moslem shrine; it is closely associated with the life of Jesus Christ; it was the site of ancient Jewish religious life and contains the Wailing Wall and other places of religious significance to the Jewish people.

Israel’s Position

Israel believes that political control of Jerusalem should be left with the states now occupying it, but is willing to provide guarantees of free access to the Holy Places and would accept a form of internationalization which would limit United Nations functions to supervision of the Holy Places.

The Israel Government has informed us that it intends to complete the establishment of the government in Jerusalem by the transfer of its Foreign Ministry from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in about June of this year.

United States Position

The UN should have an opportunity to devise a workable status for Jerusalem. We have recognized that the occupying states should not be required to wait indefinitely for determination of the city’s future status. It has been foreseen that, if the UN fails, complete control will remain with the occupying states by default. In the meantime, we have declined to recognize that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and have joined with other states in requesting the Israel Government not to transfer its Foreign Ministry from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. We have informed the Israel Government that we have no intention of transferring our mission to Jerusalem although we understand the inconvenience that is involved for the [Page 1196] Israel Government in having its ministries located in the two separate cities.

[Tab 6]

Border Problems

Background

Israel’s neighbors are the Arab states of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Egypt. With each of these states Israel has an armistice agreement setting forth the armistice boundaries and the elementary rules for keeping the peace. The United Nations has set up a Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO), the Chief of Staff of which is Lt. General William Riley, USMC (Ret.), and a Mixed Armistice Commission (MAC) for Israel and each of the four Arab states. These four MACs have national members but the chairman of each is a military officer of a neutral state. Their primary function is to investigate violations of the armistice agreements. They have no enforcement authority.

Israel’s borders with Lebanon, Syria and Egypt have been relatively quiet for the past year or so. The border with Jordan, however, has been the scene of almost constant marauding and infiltrating into Israel territory with resulting killings, thefts and disturbance of the peace of the border areas.

The Jordan-Israel MAC has become so bogged down with complaints that it has not been able to investigate them promptly even on an emergency basis.

Israel’s Position

Israel’s analysis of the Arab character has led Israel leaders to believe that the only language the Arabs understand is that of force. This has brought about a policy of armed retaliation against Jordan border villages when infiltration has reached a point considered unbearable by Israel. From the Israel viewpoint the policy is justified by the heavy losses in lives and property suffered by communities along the border. Prime Minister Ben Gurion has referred to the Jordan-Israel border troubles as “a miniature war.”

United States Position

In addition to our responsibilities as a member of the United Nations, the United States, with France and Britain, is a signatory of the Tripartite Declaration of May 25, 1950. We have therefore urged both Jordan and Israel to make fullest use of the United Nations machinery and procedures (MAC, UNTSO, and Security Council) and not to resort to armed retaliation. As a Tripartite Declaration [Page 1197] signatory we have joined with Britain and France in diplomatic respresentations to both parties urging them to follow policies of patience and restraint, and to cooperate fully with the United Nations agencies.

In addition, we are considering ways and means of making the United Nations machinery more effective. Two ideas are now being examined. One is to have, say, three Jordan-Israel MACs instead of one as at present in order to provide prompt and more effective investigations into causes and to fix responsibility for armistice violations. The other idea is for the whole border in question to be aired in the Security Council in order to clear the atmosphere and permit the new UNTSO Chief of Staff (to be appointed to succeed Gen. Riley who has resigned effective May 15) to get a clean start. In the meantime we are urging restraint on both sides.

[Tab 7]

Immigration

Background

One of the most important stones in the foundation of the State of Israel is that Israel is declared to be the homeland for Jews everywhere and hence must be open to any Jew who wishes to go there. A total Jewish population of about 650,000 in May 1948 has increased to approximately 1,400,000 today.

A policy of unlimited immigration almost caused the economic collapse of the state, so that a de facto policy of limited immigration was necessary and was begun early in 1952. The Government still publicly adheres to a policy of unlimited immigration.

Although the communist satellite states have permitted Jews to emigrate until quite recently, the USSR has not permitted emigration. The Israel Government hopes the 2½ million Jews in the Soviet Union will be permitted to emigrate.

This attitude is one of the main causes of Arab fears with respect to Israel. The Arabs’ reason that further large-scale immigration will force Israel into an expansionist policy, to get “lebensraum” for the increased population.

Israel’s Position

Even though the State of Israel is being kept alive today by foreign governmental and private contributions, access to a haven in Israel is offered to any and all Jews permitted to emigrate from the communist states.

[Page 1198]

United States Position

The United States has not really formulated its position in the event of immigration into Israel of an additional mass of Jewish people from the communist countries. Preliminarily, however, we have felt chaos would be created in Israel and the Arab states by the sudden influx into Israel of any appreciable number of immigrants. Our thinking is that the release of a large number of persons from the USSR should be treated as an international problem which would require the settlement of the majority in countries other than Israel.

Well over $100,000,000 of United States Government economic aid to Israel during the past two years has been extended for the rehabilitation and settlement of refugees already in Israel.

[Tab 8]

Israel and the Arab League

Background

The Arab states of Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, having seen their armies defeated by Israel in armed conflict, have taken two important measures against Israel. They have organized among themselves an economic boycott and they have joined in a Collective Security Pact.

The economic boycott has been effective. It has taken the form of 1) discontinuing the supply of oil through the pipe line from Kirkuk (Iraq) to Haifa (Israel), 2) the blacklisting of American and other foreign firms having branches in Israel, 3) refusing to admit travelers whose passports contain Israel visas or otherwise show the traveler has been in Israel, 4) the denial of entry visas to persons of the Jewish faith regardless of nationality, and 5) refusal of facilities to vessels transitting the Suez Canal carrying goods destined to or from Israel. The latter restriction is particularly onerous because it denies Israel access to cheap markets for purchases and sales, including petroleum from the Persian Gulf for the Haifa Refinery.

While the exact cost of the Arab boycott to Israel can not be accurately determined it is estimated to be several million dollars annually. It should be noted that this cost to Israel is, in effect, paid for by grant aid funds authorized by the United States Congress.

The Arab Collective Security Pact is at present only potentially disadvantageous to Israel as, with the exception of Jordan’s Arab Legion, the Arab states generally are militarily impotent.

[Page 1199]

Israel’s Position

Israel, of course, objects to the Arab economic boycott, particularly the Egyptian regulations pertaining to the Suez Canal. Israel periodically addresses the Governments of the United States, United Kingdom and France calling their attention to the Security Council Resolution of September 1, 1951 requiring Egypt to discontinue the restrictions.

United States Position

The United States has made representations to certain Arab governments whenever the economic boycott against Israel has appeared to discriminate against American business interests, and was one of the powers sponsoring the Security Council resolution of September 1, 1951 mentioned above. However, because of the delicate negotiations imminent between Egypt and the United Kingdom for the past year and now taking place, and because we believe the present Egyptian regime requires substantial support, we have declined to insist that Egypt comply with the Security Council resolution. We are nevertheless aware that the time will probably come when we must join with other powers and insist that Egypt comply.

  1. One of a series of papers prepared for the briefing book for the Secretary’s trip to the Middle East and South Asia; see footnote 1, supra.
  2. Annexed to this summary paper as tabs were position papers on each of the problems summarized.
  3. Document 10.