Mr. Chen’s memorandum is a blend of Oriental self-abasement, veiled
implications and an appeal for a “Marshall Plan for China”.
After accepting partial responsibility for the failure of the
Kuomintang–Communist negotiations in 194610 and referring to
“misunderstandings between us”, Mr. Chen states that he knew in advance
that the negotiations would fail and that the Generalissimo had agreed
with him. He expresses regret that he, who had failed in three attempts
to negotiate with the Communists, was not able to be of greater
assistance to you, “who made the fourth attempt”. He apparently
overlooks the fact that the basis for the negotiations in 1946 was
actually laid in the meetings held in Chungking in September 1945
between National Government and Communist representatives when agreement
was reached on the calling of the Political Consultative Conference11 which met in January
1946 and reached agreement among the Chinese factions for a coalition
government. The cessation of hostilities was the forerunner of this
agreement and
[Page 370]
the agreement
for the reorganization of the Chinese armed forces a necessary corollary
to the political agreement reached by the Chinese themselves. Regardless
of the reasons for the breakdown of the negotiations, events have in
general followed the course predicted by you to the Generalissimo and
other Government leaders in 1946—economic collapse would overtake them
before they could prove their contention that they could destroy the
Chinese Communists.
When Mr. Chen describes the United States as the “doctor” and China as
the “dying patient”, he overlooks one fundamental factor—the patient can
live only if there is the will to survive. The “doctor” in this case has
demonstrated that he desires the patient to live and has given, and is
giving, a considerable amount of medicine to that end. It is gratifying
to note that Mr. Chen now realizes that new methods and practices,
internal unity against the Communists and the introduction of needed
reforms provide the fundamental answer to communism in China and that he
is prepared to work with “one and all” toward these goals.
No action required.
[Annex]
Memorandum by the Vice President of the Chinese
Legislative Yuan (Chen) to the Secretary of State
Though I am on no official mission to call on you, I wish to avail
myself of my present visit to the United States to have an informal
talk, so that whatever differences there might be between us,
resulting from the Chinese Government negotiations with the
Communists a few years ago, might be cleared up.
If there should be any misunderstandings between us, I might have a
chance to explain myself. If I have done anything wrong, I would
concede my mistake and blame myself for it.
You will remember that in the course of your mediatory efforts, which
lasted well over one year, I had the pleasure of chatting with you
for only two short hours. I regret that I did not have ample
opportunity to tell the life-and-death story of my struggle with the
Communists for more than two decades. I am sure that you, as an
impartial observer, would like to hear what I have to say before you
deliver your final verdict. If I discover any mistakes on my part, I
will gladly take on myself my share of the responsibility, and learn
how to do better in years to come. For, I do not wish you to despair
of the whole of China as a result of the mistakes which I, as an
individual, might have committed. I am afraid that any such despair
[Page 371]
on your part might
have the effect of placing the 460,000,000 Chinese people at the
mercy of the Red Terror and of reducing China again from an
independent country to a colonial status.
I have always felt regret that I did not insist, before the
negotiations between the Chinese Government and the Communists took
place, that a person of your stature should not be involved in the
discussions. The Generalissimo agreed with me, but the Minister of
Foreign Affairs thought otherwise. My experience with the Communists
and with Russia had convinced me that these negotiations would run
great danger of failure. Three times before we had tried. This made
the fourth attempt. I knew in advance that the chances of
disappointment were very high.
It will interest you to know that I later found out that the Central
Political Council of the Communists had previously made a decision
to enter the negotiations with the cynical intention of reaching no
conclusion. Their declared object was to gain time for further
military and political preparations. I asked Dr. Leighton Stuart to
tell you to prepare for a breakdown in the negotiations. No
compromise was possible when the typically opportunist mentality of
the Communists prevailed.
My fault in the whole matter was that I did not insist strongly
enough on seeing that the right thing was done, in respect to
advising you in advance about the convictions I held.
One more point. The student uprisings which took place against the
Communists were not of my doing, as some have alleged. These were a
spontaneous outburst of patriotic feeling, which I was powerless to
prevent.
It is a source of great regret to me—and I am profoundly sorry—that
I, who had failed in three attempts to negotiate with the
Communists, was not able to be of greater help to you, who made the
fourth attempt. Yours was a sincere desire to aid my country and my
people. If you had succeeded, it would have given China a period for
reconstruction, and, I may add, for survival, which the Communists
had no intention we should have.
You will recall that President Chiang Kai-shek led the Chinese people
successfully in 1926 to overthrow the warlords, and later to unify
the country, stem the rising tide of the Red menace, and resist the
Japanese aggression. Will you please visualize China’s position. She
has been the object of foreign encroachment for many years. She has
been able to liberate herself, partly through her own efforts, and
also by the generous assistance of her friends, especially the
United States. Now at the end of eleven years of intermittent
warfare her resources are exhausted. Her need of a helping hand is
just as urgent as that of the thirteen colonies for French
assistance during
[Page 372]
their
War of Independence. Had the French withheld their support, the rich
and prosperous United States which we see today might not be what it
is.
It is my earnest hope that the Chinese people will remember you as
their Lafayette. I may very well be forgotten by them, but you shall
not. If the plan which is known by your name succeeds in Europe, as
I have no doubt that it will, but no comparable success is
forthcoming in Asia, then the gains which the democracies score in
the west will not be able to sustain their losses in the east. In
consequence of which, over 70,000,000 Chinese would suffer cruel
death, calculating on the basis of the number of those killed by the
Communists when they were in control of Kiangsi Province from
1928–1935.
A doctor would never see his patient die without raising a finger in
a last desperate effort to save his life. To make the analogy
complete, we should add that the patient is not only suffering from
internal ailment but is also menaced by a group of gangsters, and
that the doctor is widely known as a chivalrous gentleman. Under
such circumstances I am sure the doctor will do everything in his
power to protect his patient.
If you think that I can be of any help to you as the doctor in
question, I will discard, in real earnest, all methods and practices
that were in use during the period of political tutelage by the
Kuomintang, because they are incompatible with the requirements of
the constitutional age which has now begun. No matter how others may
treat me, I will do my utmost to promote internal unity and present
a united front against the Communists.
I will work with one and all to bring about the much needed land
reform, to infuse a new spirit of cooperation in the Kuomintang, and
to introduce measures into the Legislative Yuan, looking towards the
socializing and rational distribution of wealth. I am of the opinion
that it is only through these means that the fundamental reason for
the existence of the Chinese Communists can be removed and China can
expect to have a new lease of life.
