121.893/8–1847
Memorandum by Mr. Philip D. Sprouse to General Wedemeyer
Three Mongol representatives in Nanking (two of them members of Chinese Government organs) called on me on August 10 to present their views on the position of the Mongols in Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. These representatives have been seeking, through the Embassy, an interview with General Wedemeyer or a member of the Mission since our arrival in Nanking. In addition to presenting a memorandum (attached)3 in Mongol, Chinese and English, the Mongols made the following comments:
Ever since the incorporation of the Mongols into China under the Manchus the Chinese had followed a policy of oppression and non-recognition of the racial rights of the Mongols. Chinese had endeavored to foster the feudal structure of Mongol society and Lamaism and had done nothing to advance the lot of the people. The Chinese farmers had made steady encroachments on Mongol grazing lands, thus threatening the livelihood of the Mongol people. During the present century, however, other forces had had an effect on the Mongols. The USSR has slowly brought Outer Mongolia into its orbit and had now legally detached it from China under a facade of [Page 731] independence. Japan had during its occupation of north China established an autonomous Mongolian regime in Inner Mongolia, which was, of course, another facade since the Mongols had no real power. At the same time, however, through education and a semblance of self-government the Mongols had raised their standards of living and were no longer content with a feudal system of enslavement.
Immediately after V–J Day the Mongols themselves, without outside inspiration, organized two governing bodies of a semi-autonomous character. In western Inner Mongolia there was organized the Democratic Liberation Committee (Min Tsu Chieh Fang Wei Yuan Hui) and in western Manchuria the Eastern Mongolian Autonomous Government. The first of these organs was abolished when the Chinese Communist[s] entered Inner Mongolia. The Communists established their own regime called the Inter Mongolian United Autonomy Movement (Nei Meng Ku Lien Ho Tzu Chih Yung Tung Hui). The Mongols in western Manchuria in an effort to resist Chinese Communist overtures and pressure immediately sent one of their leaders to China for discussions with the Chinese Government. Upon his arrival at Peiping he was received by General Hsiung Shih-hui, who was unresponsive and refused to permit him to proceed to Chungking for discussions with the National Government. General Hsiung falsely accused him of being sent by the USSR. Since that time the Mongols in western Manchuria have continued to refuse to cooperate with the Chinese Communists and have maintained a neutral position. The Chinese Communists have promised them racial autonomy and local self-government but the Mongols do not trust such promises and would prefer to be the “sons” of the USSR rather than the “grandsons”.
Mongols in Inner Mongolia and western Manchuria are now being confronted by the necessity of a choice between two roads: one is the road to socialism and Soviet domination; the other is the road to democracy, represented by the U. S. The Mongols feel that the U. S. alone has concern for racial minorities. The Mongols desire to follow the path of democracy and remain a part of China under a federal system, whereby Mongols will be given racial autonomy and local self-government. The Chinese wish to Sinicize them and deny them their rights. Even the local self-government provided for under the constitution last November has not been granted to the Mongols. The U. S. should persuade the Chinese Government that only by granting racial autonomy to the Mongols can they be saved from Chinese Communist and Soviet domination. These Mongols know there is no freedom under Soviet control and they resent Soviet depredations at [Page 732] the time of Soviet occupation of their area. Outer Mongolian troops, however, did not indulge in looting, but their political commissars did take away Inner Mongolians as political prisoners.
In this general connection, the three Mongols say that Ma Han-san, a Chinese Tai Li agent at Peiping, recently forced several Mongols there to write a letter to General Wedemeyer setting forth six points, some of which were not true:
- (1)
- Inner and Outer Mongolians maintain close relations—this is not true.
- (2)
- Outer Mongolian and Soviet troops arrested Inner Mongolians and looted during their occupation of Inner Mongolia—this is true, as stated above.
- (3)
- The Mongols in western Manchuria follow Soviet and Chinese Communist directives—this is not true.
- (4)
- The Mongol representative from western Manchuria who came to Peiping in early 1946 was ordered by the USSR to do so—this is not true.
- (5)
- About 2,000 Outer Mongolian special agents have recently arrived in northern Chahar—this is partially true but the number of agents is highly exaggerated.
- (6)
- An Inner Mongolian, who went to Outer Mongolia, recently returned to north Chahar with more than 1,000 troops—this is partially true but the number is exaggerated.
Another report which may have come to General Wedemeyer’s attention is also without foundation. General Fu Tso-yi has recently forced several Mongols at Kalgan to sign a letter saying that the Inner Mongolian people do not want racial autonomy and local self-government but prefer to remain under General Fu’s control. The Mongols concluded that their objective was to achieve racial autonomy and local self-government and that it was their hope that the Chinese would view their aims sympathetically before it was too late.
These Mongols would be pleased to have an opportunity to discuss their problems and objectives with General Wedemeyer.
- Not attached to file copy.↩