711.35/10–3046
The Ambassador in Argentina (Messersmith) to the Secretary of State
Dear Mr. Secretary: …
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The only sound rule we can follow is not to lay down to the other American republics which individual aliens must be deported, but to view performance to see if those against whom real evidence is available of improper activity are deported.
I mention this specifically because in connection with the Argentine the names of individuals, such as Ludwig Freude and his son Rudolf Freude have been mentioned. Ludwig Freude has been named as “a spearhead”, and, in some cases, “the spearhead” of German espionage activities in the Argentine. Ludwig Freude was born in Germany and has been in the Argentine for decades. He is now well advanced in years—I believe in his 70’s. He is an Argentine citizen. The records of the British Embassy and of this Embassy and all the available records we can consult show no concrete evidence against Freude of having engaged in espionage or of having had contact with espionage agents. The only thing in the record with regard to him is that, when the German Embassy was closed here it left with him some 40,000 pesos in money which represented a balance of funds they had. There is no evidence whatever that Freude used this money to aid German espionage or to aid the enemies of our cause.36
On the other hand, Ludwig Freude has played a constructive role in the Argentine economy and was one of the citizens of the Argentine with money who contributed to the campaign of new President Perón. It was, also, in the house of Freude, with whom new President Perón has had a friendship for many years, that President Perón took refuge at one time when he was threatened with arrest.
The only way in which the Argentine Government could take action against Ludwig Freude would be on the basis of denaturalization procedures, [Page 328] and after the most careful investigation the Argentine Government has found no evidence against him, and an official decree has been issued in the last few days stating that an examination of the facts shows no evidence that he took any action detrimental to the Argentine’ or to the United Nations.
There is, therefore, no possible basis for us to ask that any further action be taken with regard to Ludwig Freude, for we cannot produce any evidence which would be helpful to the Argentine Government. As a matter of fact, I know that Ludwig Freude has recently been most helpful in making clear to certain people in the Argentine Government the importance of deporting those Germans against whom evidence exists of improper action.
In spite of the foregoing, there are those, I understand, who would make our recognition of Argentine compliance with her inter-American commitments dependent upon the deportation of Ludwig Freude. Of the injustice and absurdity of such an attitude I need make no further mention.
Similarly, much has been said in the press concerning Ludwig Freude’s son, Rudolf Freude, who is a native-born Argentine citizen in his late 20’s. He is one of the personal secretaries of President Perón. There is absolutely no evidence in the possession of the British and ourselves and, so far as I know, of anyone, to the effect that Rudolf Freude committed any act against the Argentine or the United Nations during the war. As a matter of fact, I know that, in his capacity as a private secretary to President Perón, he has been very useful to the American press and that he has been useful in the program with regard to enemy property, schools and institutions, and aliens. He is exactly in the same position as hundreds of thousands of native-born Americans of German origin.
Similarly, there has been a tendency to take an attitude with the Argentine Government that it must deport or take certain drastic action with respect to Ricardo Staudt,37 who is one of the most important business men in the Argentine and who has been an Argentine citizen since shortly after the end of the first World War. While Staudt may be a person who is personally objectionable to many people in the present Government of the Argentine, the Argentine Government cannot take action on such a basis, for Staudt is a clever man and took good care to see that, if his sympathies were with the Germans during the second World War, he did not get into a position of doing anything which would interfere with his Argentine citizenship. Although the most exhaustive investigations have been made by the British and [Page 329] ourselves and by the Argentine Government, it is obvious that nothing can be done with reference to Staudt, except that, so far as his business interests are concerned, 570 shares which represent the interest of his three sisters in Germany and are therefore enemy property, will be taken over by the Argentine Government.
I will not go into this further, but I have wanted to make it clear that we cannot lay down a blueprint with regard to persons or firms. The question is whether action is taken where the British and we and the Argentine Government have adequate information on which action can be taken: the question is whether or not in all good faith the Argentine Government takes action in such cases where the evidence is available.
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With all good wishes [etc.]