893.00/12–446: Telegram
The Ambassador in China (Stuart) to the Secretary of State
[Received December 4—8:45 a.m.]
2032. During the past week the focus of political interest has, of course, been the National Assembly which finally reached agreement upon the rules of procedure and, having done this, was then presented with the draft of the constitution that had previously been approved by the Executive and Legislative Yuans and had received the endorsement of the Generalissimo. Struggle over the rules of procedure, though superficially appearing to be quibbling over trivia, did, in fact, have substance. The principal argument concerned article 18, which limited the activities of the Assembly to questions directly concerned with the substance of the constitution and the date on which it would become effective. Dissident elements, including non-Kuomintang individuals and right-wing Kuomintang, were opposed to this provision, hoping to use the Assembly for broader legislative purposes. It was finally adopted only when the Generalissimo stated that failure to do so would be followed immediately by his resignation as President of the Government. Much of the rest of the squabbling, though certainly nothing to be proud of and, on several occasions reaching limits where the Generalissimo was forced to use harsh words, should be viewed as part of the learning process of a group of individuals receiving their first lessons in parliamentary procedure.
The draft constitution was formally presented to the Assembly by the Generalissimo. As published it seemed reasonably good document which in general follows the principles laid down by the PCC agreements. In his presentation the Generalissimo stated that with this act he was declaring an end to the period of political tutelage and was returning political power to the people. He added that he considered this the climax of his career and that he no longer had any [Page 589] political ambitions. All reports which the Embassy has received are unanimous in stating that the Generalissimo made this announcement with genuine emotion and an obvious sincerity. The words in essence do not markedly differ from statements which the Generalissimo has made periodically over a period of years. His promises have demonstrably been more honored in the breach than in the observance and even when implemented have more often than not been made long after the psychological moment had passed. It would therefore be easy, and perhaps logical, on the basis of this record simply to level the charges of hypocrisy. On the other hand experience has taught that the Generalissimo really does mean what he says; that the problem is one of defining what the words mean to him. The Generalissimo is convinced he is a practicing democrat and that that is what he wants for China; but at the same time he identifies China and himself in imperial fashion and his understanding of democracy is severely limited by his background and that of China.
Whether this Assembly and the constitution which it will adopt will in the end prove to be just another sham or whether the Generalissimo will throw his weight behind the abolition of one-party dictatorship and in favor of constitutional government, however limited or imperfect that constitutionalism may be, remains to be seen.
Support for the constitution has been pledged by a large part of the Kuomintang, the Youth Party and a large number of independents. There is a growing revolt against it which is apparently organized by the C–C clique whose objective is to relieve the Executive of responsibility to the legislature and correspondingly to increase powers of the President. The success of this revolt would be an ill omen for the future of constitutionalism since it would simply play into the hands of traditional Chinese authoritarianism, whereas adoption of the draft to which the Generalissimo has publicly pledged himself would encourage development of popular responsibility for the actions of the Government.