Marshall Mission Files, Lot 54–D270: Telegram

General Marshall to President Truman 39

1627. Dear Mr. President: As indicated in my 1605, the Communist representatives in Nanking were immediately advised of the proposal of the 10 day truce with meetings held by the Five Man Group and the Committee of Three to carry out, or to consider, the matters stated by the Generalissimo in his reply to Chou En Lai of October 2nd. As a safeguard against misunderstanding in handling this [Page 350] business orally, I immediately dictated a personal memorandum for Doctor Stuart stating the conditions of the truce, as I understood them. However the Communist representative Wang Ping Nan had called so quickly following Doctor Stuart’s notice to him that my memorandum did not reach Doctor Stuart until a few moments after the departure of Mister Wang. I therefore sent a copy of the memorandum to Mister Wang and another copy by plane to General Chou in Shanghai. Doctor Stuart’s oral statement incidentally had been in complete accord with my written summary. (The reason for this detailed information will be apparent later.)

Two days later, on October 8th, Mister Wang delivered verbally the reply from General Chou in Shanghai to the effect that the truce should be without a time limit and the Government troops should withdraw to their original positions. Also, that the discussions should not be limited, and further that no reply had yet been made to the Generalissimo’s communication of October 2nd, because the Communist Party had been hoping that some word from General Marshall and Doctor Stuart would be forthcoming clarifying the situation, and finally stating that the latest proposal implied that the situation had not changed much.

Doctor Stuart and I decided that it was important, particularly in view of my previous strong stand to the Government, that the situation be made accurately and publicly known and therefore prepared within the hour a joint public statement40 (copy is transmitted in the clear as 162841).

The same afternoon I had an unsatisfactory interview with the Communist representatives, Mister Wang Ping Nan and Tung Pi Wu, in which they alleged evil or subtle motives on the part of the Government in accepting the truce proposal and brought forward other contentions which I felt were not supported by the facts and so informed them. They finally made a statement criticizing the American policy in supporting the Kuomintang war effort and implying a partiality on my part. I informed them I would not accept the first statement and I did not like the implications of the second.

I then decided that in order to make every possible effort, I would go to Shanghai the following day, yesterday, and have an interview with General Chou En-Lai, which I did. He was unaware of my purpose or presence until he arrived at General Gillem’s house. We had a three hour interview, the first portion of which was devoted to a lengthy discussion of the expression used in my personal memo to Doctor Stuart of October 6th: “The purpose of the truce is to carry out the two proposals of the Generalissimo in his communication to [Page 351] me of October 2nd.” and the expression “to consider” the two proposals of the Generalissimo in his communication of October 2nd as used in our public release. It was difficult to understand what was in Chou’s mind for his reactions were clouded with suspicions and seemingly the more innocent the procedure, the greater are the suspicions, as in this case. Actually the Communist Party felt that they were not being invited to sit down at a table to negotiate, but rather to sit down at a table and accept conditions virtually of surrender, which was not at all the case, and yet it was almost impossible to convince them to the contrary.

Doctor Stuart and I have been struggling to initiate actual negotiations between the two parties, but the suspicions are so overwhelming that thus far, as you are aware, we have been unsuccessful.

I found it impossible to convince General Chou that the truce was not a Government maneuver to permit them to regroup, reinforce and resupply. I could not tell him, of course, that I have literally forced this much of a concession out of the Government though I was struggling for far more. I think at the moment of this interview General Chou was taken back and rather put on the defensive by two things, one was our public statement of successive events from September 30th on and the other was my unexpected arrival in Shanghai in contrast to his rather indefensible position of remaining aloof from negotiations. He resented the public release and asserted that while we did not express an opinion, nevertheless the timing had been to the disadvantage of the Communist Party. He objected to the so-called limitation of the matters to be discussed, notwithstanding the fact that I had held these down to the very minimum in favor of the Communist desires, that is, to have as little as possible to clear up as conditions precedent to the cessation of hostilities. There was no thought of preventing unlimited discussions once hostilities had terminated. This Communist position presents a strange paradox because it would imply what is plainly contrary to the facts, that they were insisting on the continuance of hostilities until all matters had been resolved. The fact is the Government has been proceeding somewhat along this line and I have continually objected. As a matter of fact, the Communist reactions now are really somewhat psychoneurotic, induced by an overwhelming suspicion and the feeling that the life of their party is being threatened by military and secret police action of the Government.

Chou finally summed up his views and the Communist stand on the various questions as follows:

“Regarding military affairs:

  • “1. The troops on both sides should resume their positions as of January 13th in China proper and their positions of June 7th in Manchuria.
  • “2. The location of the troops of both parties until the time of Army reorganization should be fixed.
  • “3. These Government troops which have been moved since January 13th should be sent back to the original locations in order to facilitate the demobilization.

“Only these conditions will insure the truce.

“As to the political matters, it is our view that no matter whether they will be discussed by the Five Man Group or by the steering committee of the Political Consultative Council they should cover the following points:

  • “1. The Communist Party and the Democratic League must hold 14 seats in the State Council, in order to insure that a joint platform will not be violated. The distribution of these seats between the Communist Party and the Democratic League will be settled by a separate discussion.
  • “2. The reorganization of the State Council should be in conjunction with the reorganization of the Executive Yuan.
  • “3. The draft constitution review committee should be immediately reconvened in order to put into final form the draft constitution so as to insure that this draft will be presented to the National Assembly and that all parties will pledge to stand by this draft.
  • “4. As to the date of the National Assembly and the final distribution of National Assembly delegates among the various parties, that should be settled by the steering committee of the Political Consultative Council by consultation.
  • “5. After the reorganization of the Central Government the various parties will hand in the list of their National Assembly delegates in accordance with the number agreed upon by this reorganized government.
  • “6. The question of local administration will be settled in accordance with the joint platform of the Political Consultative Council. That is, a status quo will be maintained pending the initiation of the local self-government after the reorganization of the Central Government.
  • “7. In order to insure that the four promises made by the Generalissimo at the opening session of the Political Consultative Council will be carried out, the political prisoners should be released and the newspapers, magazines and civic bodies abandoned since January should be restored. Further, the secret service should be abolished.
  • “8. In accordance with the military resolutions of the Political Consultative Council, the division of military and civil affairs should be strictly carried out and the demobilization should be started afresh.

“The above eight points are all within the scope of the stipulations of the Political Consultative Council and they should all be carried out.

“Speaking briefly, I (Chou) could put it this way—that the informal Five Man Committee and the steering committee of the Political Consultative Council would merely discuss as to how to implement the [Page 353] Political Consultative Council. They could determine whether certain points are in contravention to the Political Consultative Council resolutions.

“These were the circumstances that I was going to put into my reply to the Generalissimo’s memorandum of October 2nd.

“To put it still more briefly, it can be said that the attack against Kalgan should be stopped indefinitely in order to avoid a nationwide split so that the Committee of Three and the informal Five Man Group and the steering committee of the Political Consultative Council will be convened to discuss the truce and the implementation of the Political Consultative Council resolutions. This will be my specific reply to the Generalissimo.

“There are two other points that I would like to make:

  • “1. The Communist Party does not agree to the assistance given by the American Government to the Kuomintang Government while the civil war is still going on. It further cannot agree to the fact that the United States troops in China have not yet been withdrawn as it was promised before.
  • “2. I took notice of the fact that the statements you and Doctor Stuart have issued, always come in such a way as to follow a rejection by the Communists of the Government’s demands and not when the Government are rejecting the Communist demands.

“Though in these statements you did not make any accusations, the timing of that statement leads the public to some misunderstanding and they could not have a true picture of what was going on.”

I then replied “All I can say is that having heard your statement it would seem that my efforts at mediation appear futile and I see no practical basis for any other action on my part. I will deliver the eight points to the Government. I hope that you will make your own written reply and I can but express my regret at this ending of our discussions.

“I told you some time ago that if the Communist Party felt that they could not trust to my impartiality, they had merely to say so and I would withdraw. You have now said so. I am leaving immediately for Nanking. I want to thank you for coming over here to General Gillem’s today and giving me this opportunity for a direct conversation with you.”

While the foregoing would appear to indicate the termination of my negotiations with the Communists I do not think that will probably be the case.

This morning, representatives of the Young China Party and the previous Secretary General of the Democratic League who had resigned because of his disapproval of their procedure, called on Doctor Stuart and proposed, for my agreement, that they interview the principal Government leaders and then proceed immediately to Shanghai and bring General Chou back to Nanking. Doctor Stuart is arranging to have the Government leaders give them a very considerate hearing, and they seem to feel they will have no trouble in bringing back General Chou in a manner that will be face saving.

[Page 354]

I apologize for such lengthy statements regarding minor detail of these complications and vexing negotiations, but it is difficult to condense the happenings without probable distortion of significant phases.

Post Script. With reference to termination of my negotiations with Communists, while checking this message a request from Communist Wang Ping Nan to see me has just been received.

G. C. Marshall
  1. Copy transmitted to the Acting Secretary of State by the War Department on October 11.
  2. Ante, p. 312.
  3. Telegram not printed.