893.001 Chiang Kai-shek/3–845

Memorandum by Mr. Julian R. Friedman of the Division of Chinese Affairs

The following excerpts have been selected from a transcript of a Yenan broadcast on the Generalissimo’s speech of March 1, 1945 on Constitutional Government.

“This speech reflects in detail the standpoint and plan of the most reactionary clique in Kuomintang.…41 Chiang, in making this speech, merely once again plays the part of spokesman for this extremely reactionary clique. Looking through the whole speech important points can be summed up as follows: (1) Persistent in one party rule and resolute rejection of a democratic coalition government. (2) False interpretation of negotiations between the Kuomintang and Chinese Communist party and slander against the latter. (3) Playing up the futile trick of so-called ‘returning the reins of government to the people’ and the ‘Convention of the National Congress’ in order to preserve a fascist dictatorship.…

“According to Dr. Sun’s will, would not calling a conference of all parties and groups and the formation of a coalition government to secure the overthrow of the Japanese invaders, and then the holding of elections without fear and restrictions throughout the country under a government to convene a national Congress, be just what would meet the exigencies of today?

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“The Chinese nation does not wish the personal dictatorship of Chiang Kai-shek to continue its existence for even one second.… If a coalition government is formed, Chiang Kai-shek may still be allowed to occupy a seat in the government to allow him to correct his former mistake and atone for his crimes.… But the personal dictatorship … must immediately end … the true reason reflects that Chiang and most of the reactionary groups within the Kuomintang want to hold on to the interests of a single person or group without caring for the interests of the country and nation.

“But most deserving of notice is that within the short period of a few months since the proposal of abolition of the Kuomintang dictatorship to establish a democratic coalition government, it has by now electrified the whole country and countries abroad, and has become the proposal of the broad masses.

“… wartime administrative council discussed in Kuomintang-Communists negotiations is only a sideshow which has no political responsibilities and power for a final decision . . . . Chiang wants all parties and groups to join this wartime administrative council while they are still illegal, saying at the same time that ‘There really is no reason why they should not accept.’ Only someone as shameless as Chiang could make such a statement . . . .

“Chiang said the government is prepared to form a three-man committee for regrouping the Communist troops into the national Army. Of these three men, one would represent the government, one would represent the Communist Party, and one would be an American Army officer.… Being incapable to command, Chiang Kai-shek ought to be sacked and punished and replaced by a Chinese officer who has gained merits in armed resistance appointed by a commission organized by the people.… We are unwilling to ask foreigners to oppress those different from us.

“… Dictator Chiang Kai-shek and the most reactionary despots inside the Kuomintang … want to find a cloak to hide their counterrevolutionary fascists bodies. This then is the real essence of the so-called ‘returning the reins of the government to the people’, and the ‘convention of a national Congress.’

“At present the Kuomintang-Communist negotiations have long ago ceased to discuss pending problems between the two parties, but try to solve the urgent political problem on which the life or death of the country and nation depends.”

  1. Omissions indicated in the original memorandum.