711.93/11–1444

Memorandum by Mr. Troy L. Perkins of the Division of Chinese Affairs

Recently certain publications, notably Life in its November 13 issue, have charged that American officials have “meddled ignorantly and unwisely in China’s internal affairs” and have implied that these officials may even be working to limit our aid to China.

A principal task of American officials in China has been to increase the Chinese military contribution to the present struggle. American activity has taken two lines: (1) advice and assistance in increasing China’s war potential and, (2) tangibly, delivery of American war supplies and air assistance to Chinese ground forces. We have for years, and are now, vitally interested in the achievement of unity in China. Where it is clearly indicated that changes, reforms and other action might result in a more effective prosecution of the war, we have favored them. With regard to the character of needed reforms, one has but to consider the views expressed by responsible, representative Chinese:

(a)
Discussions and recommendations which came out of the People’s Political Council session during September. Resolutions were passed by the PPC favoring improvement of the military conscription system; complete overhauling and reform of the Army; elimination of corruption in government; improvement of treatment of public functionaries; wider powers for the provincial people’s assemblies; advancement of date for ending political tutelage; and strengthening of Sino-Soviet relations. Discussion of Kuomintang-Communist relations apparently stirred the delegates to such realization of the danger of the impasse that the PPC resolved to send an investigation party to Yenan. Interpellations of Ministers by PPC members revealed widespread dissatisfaction and brought charges of corruption and maladministration, especially in the Ministries of Finance, Military Administration, Food and Education (the PPC recommended by a vote of 112 to 6 that the Minister of Finance not be allowed to serve simultaneously as head of a bank).
(b)
Dr. Sun Fo in successive speeches before the Kuomintang has called for more democracy in China during the war in order to revitalize resistance. He has attacked the Kuomintang’s “fascism”, “personal dictatorship”, participation in landlord’s oppression of the peasants, Nazi youth training methods, and oppression of “political and economic freedom”. Dr. Sun has also expressed the view that a settlement of Kuomintang-Communist differences is possible, and that this settlement and the attainment of internal Chinese harmony are prerequisites [Page 692] to a fundamental settlement of Sino-Soviet relations. He has pointed out that an agreement with the Communists is absolutely essential before the (expected) entry of Russia into the Japanese war.
(c)
Dr. Quo Tai-chi, formerly Ambassador to Great Britain and Minister of Foreign Affairs, on April 30, 1944 expressed hope for a message from President Roosevelt to the Generalissimo urging the need for unity and democracy in China, and said that the question of Kuomintang–Communist relations was once very directly related to the war effort and that American concern over that question could scarcely be described as interference in a domestic question.
(d)
Dr. Chiang Mon-lin, President of the Chinese Red Cross and President of Peking University, found on personal investigation that Chinese soldiers and recruits were in a deplorable physical condition and that there was wide-spread corruption in the conscription system. Dr. Chiang believes that the present movement against the Kuomintang is a manifestation of existing dissatisfaction and that the danger point may be reached if something is not done to effect reform and change.
(e)
General Yang Chieh, former Chief of Staff to the Generalissimo and Ambassador to Russia, recently stated that troops must be disposed from military rather than political considerations and that they must be better trained; there must be less repression and surveillance and more democracy generally. He was pessimistic of any rapprochement with Russia if the present blind distrust of Russia by Kuomintang leaders continues.
(f)
The Ta Kung Pao, China’s best-edited and most influential newspaper has recently declared: “The Chinese people want to be the inhabitants of a democratic country with a constitutional government. As such we demand national unity, political freedom and economic equality”. This newspaper, even though subject to a stringent censorship, has called for better feeding and treatment of soldiers, reform of malpractices in military administration and the Ministry of Food, and has called for an end to the indulgent propaganda that has “fooled Chinese” and has even “hoodwinked” the Commander-in-Chief himself.
(g)
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek has recently openly recognized the need of certain reforms and changes, e. g., reform of conscription methods, better treatment of troops, more stringent measures against inflation, and closer ties between China and Russia. The dominant theme of Chiang’s speech of September 16 to the PPC was national unity.