893.00/15340
The Ambassador in China (Gauss) to the Secretary of State
[Received April 13.]
Sir: I have the honor to enclose a translation of a speech entitled “Democratization of the Government and Planned Economy”3 delivered by Dr. Sun Fo, President of the Legislative Yuan, at the Central Training Corps on February 23, 1944. A copy of the translation was handed to the Embassy by a member of the Legislative Yuan apparently with the approval of Dr. Sun.
Summary of Speech. In order to transfer sovereignty to the people, the Kuomintang and the Government must make changes in their present practices—particularly the Kuomintang, which has forgotten the very substance and method of democracy. The Kuomintang has unfortunately assumed the attitude and habits of a ruling-caste and has come to regard itself as the sovereign power entitled to a special position and to suppression of all criticism. To achieve democracy we must take action as follows: First, the Kuomintang must reorientate its psychology and correct its attitude of intolerance; second, the Kuomintang must show a democratic spirit in action as well as in attitude; and third, the Kuomintang must learn democratic methods. The existing suspicion in the United States and Great Britain that China is moving toward dictatorship and fascism is a danger to China’s future. We need constructive aid from the Allies both now and after the war and they might refuse cooperation and leave China isolated if they think that China under the Kuomintang will be fascist rather than democratic. Sympathy in those countries for the Chinese Communist Party does not arise from liking of Communism but because they feel that the Kuomintang cannot carry out democracy and rejects the existence of other parties. This can be corrected through the realization of Min Chuan Chu I (democracy). A free economy, such as that in the United States and Great Britain, has been shown to be inconsistent with China’s needs; China must, therefore, adopt a planned economy slightly similar to that of the Soviet Union. China must concentrate her total effort on all monopolistic and basic industries and national defense industries and leave light industry and production of consumers goods to private capital, with restrictions on the production of unnecessary luxuries and consumers goods. The present international situation and that which will follow after the war demand an emphasis on national defense reconstruction. Only through democracy in government and planned economy can China’s future be assured. End of Summary.
Dr. Sun’s speech is the first instance that has come to the Embassy’s attention of outspoken semi-public criticism by a Kuomintang and Government leader of the fascist tendencies of the Kuomintang and the Chinese Government. There is much private comment among independent [Page 386] Chinese and some minor officials of the increasing trend toward utilization of repressive methods to stifle opposition, suspicion of all elements considered critical of the Kuomintang and centralization of power in the hands of the Central Government (that is, the Kuomintang), but no Chinese of any importance has dared to give voice publicly even by implication to the existence of such conditions except Madame Sun Yat-sen (Embassy’s despatch No. 2217 of February 23). This speech of Dr. Sun has not been published although it was given at the Kuomintang Central Training Corps. His speech on March 12, on the anniversary of the death of Sun Yat-sen, which was broadcast to the United States and in which he said that there would be no civil war in China, was not published in the Chinese press, appearing only in the English Service of the Central News Agency.
The psychology underlying Dr. Sun’s speech, as well as that behind many of the Kuomintang protestations against charges of its fascist methods and the announced intention of the Chinese Government to establish constitutional government after the war, arises from Chinese dependence upon the United States and the susceptibility of China’s leaders to American criticism. China is fundamentally friendly toward the United States which it recognizes as its best friend among the foreign nations and as the chief possible source of present-day and post-war aid. Adverse criticism of China appearing in American newspapers and periodicals has perhaps caused resentment among Kuomintang reactionaries; but many Chinese Government leaders and all Chinese liberals are believed to be sensible of the justification of that criticism and privately to welcome it, viewing such criticism as a means of prodding the Kuomintang into action. It is not possible to say definitely that a genuine democratic government will be established in China after the war but American criticism has at least forced the Chinese Government to take preliminary steps in that direction. These steps have been taken, however, not merely because the authors of the action desire or perhaps intend to have a democratic China but to placate American opinion to the end that the United States will continue to be the best friend of China in the military as well as in the economic fields. Dr. Sun voices this feeling when he warns of the danger of Chinese isolation after the war and of the possible reluctance of the United States and Great Britain to give postwar aid to a fascist China.
The Generalissimo is said to have been displeased by Dr. Sun’s speech, apparently because it followed the American pattern of pointing to non-democratic tendencies in China and suggested that criticism and free discussion were to be desired. General Chiang is believed to be increasingly conscious and resentful of and bewildered [Page 387] by the continued American published criticism of China and is quoted as having asked recently “What is there about China that the Americans do not like?”. He allegedly now feels that the British way is much more to his liking than the American as “the British do not indulge in undignified criticism of their leaders in contrast to the criticism of President Roosevelt by Congress and the American press”. Nevertheless, regardless of how much the Generalissimo resents this criticism—criticism which might logically attribute to him the entire blame for the existence of fascist tendencies as many of them could be eliminated by action which it would be within his power to take—he cannot ignore the criticism, for he realizes as fully as anyone the dependence of China upon the United States.
Respectfully yours,
- Not printed.↩