851.01/2135: Telegram
The Consul General at Algiers (Wiley) to the Secretary of State
[Received May 18—3:39 a.m.]
902. From Murphy for the President and Secretary of State. Giraud has handed Macmillan and me a copy of his reply to de Gaulle’s last memorandum which reads in translation as follows:
“Thank you for your letter of the 10th of May which replies to my letter and my memorandum April 27.
This latest exchange of views convinces me that our preliminary discussions have come to an end; and that the hour of action and of our common responsibilities has come. Time presses, among other questions, the rapid fusion of all the French forces in a single army of victory is urgent.
I propose that we should pass to action and immediately bring about our union.
The method is simple and can be rapid.
It is sufficient for us to form immediately the Central Executive Committee and at the same time to record our agreement on its essential bases, namely that its responsibility should be collective and that its life should be limited. Thus we shall conform to the tradition and to the laws of the Republic.
Thus established the Executive Committee will meet immediately at Algiers.
The formation of the Executive Committee. The Committee is the central authority. It possesses the general direction of and the responsibility for all matters at present within the scope of the National Committee or of the High Command, civil and military, at Algiers. It will discuss all the other questions which have been the subject of our exchange of views based on the notes which we have exchanged. In particular it will organize the national consultative council and the committee on resistance, appoint the commissioners, fix their functions et cetera.
‘The responsibility of the Executive Committee must be collective.’ All the essential decisions will be discussed and taken by the Executive Committee acting as a whole. In accordance with the proposal made by General Catroux, you and I will preside in turn; our responsibilities will be merged in the collective responsibility of the Executive Committee. With the commissioner or commissioners who may be responsible, we shall together sign the decrees or ordinances which may be discussed and decided in the committee.
‘The duration and the functions of the committee must be limited.’ In the action which we are now taking we are convinced that we are [Page 120] acting according to the wish of the French people. However, we must recognize that our authority derives from a situation of fact. We are not and cannot be the Government of France.
Immediately the Executive Committee begins its functions it should solemnly make known to the French people that it [will] hand over its powers to the provisional government which as soon as the country is liberated, will be constituted in France according to the law of February 15, 1872. The application of this law is contemplated when the legislative assemblies have ceased to function, which is the case today, and can be adapted by having recourse to other elected bodies on the advice of the National Consultative Council and of the Council of Legislation taking into account the changes brought about by the action of the enemy or by the development of the situation in France (id est since the law of 1872 was passed).
If I have correctly represented the essential points of the opinions expressed by the National Committee and by myself on this subject, I beg you to give me the agreement on these points, which is essential for the establishment of our union. At the same time we can rapidly agree upon the composition of the Committee. To begin with it will consist of 2 members proposed by you and 2 members proposed by me, making the first members of the Executive Committee 6 in all. I suggest that 3 places should be left vacant in order that the Executive Committee may fill them later.”
We feel here that the two principles of collective responsibility and relinquishment of power preserve the essentials of French democratic tradition and return to the laws of the Republic and unless they are accepted no unity is possible. The proposals avoid the danger that any single individual can assume dictatorial powers since the Committee as a whole accepts responsibility for all actions. Care will, however, have to be exercised in the selection of the members of the Committee to preserve the balance and to prevent any individual from assuming complete control.
I hope that during the present visit of Mr. Churchill to Washington an opportunity will be found for both the British and American Governments to concert their policy as regards this proposal. If de Gaulle should refuse to accept this last offer he will have demonstrated unwillingness to achieve real unity and to preserve the fundamental rights of the French people. Whereas the previous discussions were primarily a matter of French concern, a refusal on de Gaulle’s part to accept fundamental democratic principles becomes of concern to the United Nations as a whole and in particular to the American and British Governments as co-authors of the Atlantic Charter. In such an event it should be made clear that de Gaulle is only interested in a personal drive for power and consequently can no longer count upon the support and subsidies furnished him by the British Government. Macmillan is urging this course of action upon his Government.
It is anticipated that Catroux will leave immediately for London to endeavor to obtain de Gaulle’s acceptance. If he fails he proposes to [Page 121] resign. Macmillan may also decide to proceed to London for 2 or 3 days.
Repeated to London. [Murphy.]