851.01/2054: Telegram
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Winant) to the Secretary of State
[Received April 15—6:49 p.m.]
2664. After 3 days of wrangling during which practically all the civilian members of the French National Committee insisted upon General de Gaulle’s preeminence in any unified setup in opposition to Massigli and Catroux who favored counterproposals of a more moderate nature more likely to be acceptable to General Giraud, agreement within the Committee has finally been reached. Catroux, we understand, is returning to Algiers tomorrow. He and Massigli called on Admiral Stark this afternoon and outlined these proposals. They are based on the following “principles”: First, in any program for French unity there must be separation of civil and military powers. Hence, the Commander in Chief of French Forces cannot preside or form part of any provisional unified administrative authority. (This is, of course, to force Giraud to choose either to be commander in chief or to be nominal head of the council or committee.) Second, the council or committee now proposed should not in any way prejudice the later formation of a provisional government in France. Third, any provisional authority now established should be set up and should function as far as possible in accordance with the French constitution and Republican traditions. (The last two provisions seem to us as already, in effect, accepted by Giraud.)
According to Catroux, if Giraud accepts these “principles” he will be asked to meet as soon as possible with General de Gaulle and agree upon the composition and functions of the new council. The latter would control the Unified French Forces and administer French overseas territories and would furthermore assure French representation on the councils and staffs of the Allies. If General Giraud preferred to preside over this body rather than to continue as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces he would be made President. De Gaulle would be made “Second President”. The council would be composed of administrators of territories, selected commanders of various services and would have an executive committee of 5 or 7 members probably including, in addition to de Gaulle and Giraud, Monnet and [Page 95] Massigli. A new Commander in Chief of French Forces would be appointed nominally subordinate to the council but who would in effect direct the French General Staff. (Catroux mentioned General Juin5 in this connection should Giraud elect to serve as President of the council.) Catroux himself might serve as deputy to Giraud charged with supervision of the administration of French territories. It is the thought of the National Committee that de Gaulle in addition to his position as “Second President” of the council (or First President should Giraud choose the post of Commander in Chief) would be made “War Commissioner” and given control of the organization of resistance forces in metropolitan France and the training and equipment of new French armored units to serve with the Allies in any offensive on the continent.
Charles Peake has indicated to Admiral Stark that the British Government, while not “supporting” this or any other specific proposal, are taking the position that any reasonable agreement which would bring unity is to be encouraged.
The foregoing results from the National Committee’s bitter opposition to any plan which would permit Giraud to be head of both civil and political administration and Commander in Chief of French military forces in any unified authority. They apparently feel that by making him nominal head of the council they can pretty well shelve him. The above plan likewise would seem to satisfy General de Gaulle’s determination to have control of all “resistance groups” and “secret armies” in metropolitan France. It is in order to get this control and all that it implies for the future that he would apparently be willing to accept a position nominally inferior to that of General Giraud.
Repeated to Algiers.
- Gen. Alphonse Juin, Commander of French ground forces in North Africa.↩