Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1943, China

893.00 Tibet/70

The British Embassy to the Department of State ²²

Status of Tibet

(Policy of His Majesty’s Government towards Tibetan relations with China).

Until the Chinese Revolution of 1911 Tibet acknowledged the suzerainty of the Manchu Empire and a measure of control from Peking which fluctuated from military occupation to a mere nominal link. Since 1911 Tibet has enjoyed de facto independence. His Majesty’s Government made repeated attempts after 1911 to bring the Chinese Republic and the Tibetan Government together on the basis that Tibet should be autonomous under the nominal suzerainty of China, but these attempts always broke down on the question of the boundary between China and Tibet, and eventually in 1921 His Majesty’s Government presented the Chinese Government with a declaration to the effect that they did not feel justified in withholding any longer their recognition of the status of Tibet as an autonomous state under the suzerainty of China, and that they intended dealing on that basis with Tibet in the future.

2. The Chinese Government have since 1921 attempted to an increasing extent to import some substance into their suzerainty over Tibet, while the Tibetans repudiate any measure of Chinese control. There have been several recent indications that the Chinese Government intend to press their claim that Tibet is part of China, and the point is likely to come up whenever any question affecting Tibet is under discussion with the Chinese Government. Thus, last year they proposed, contrary to the wishes of the Tibetan Government, to post officials in Tibet to supervise the organisation of a supply route to China, and when Mr. Eden was in Washington in March, Dr. T. V. Soong said in connexion with this route that his Government had always regarded Tibet as part of the Republic of China.

3. In these circumstances His Majesty’s Government have reconsidered their attitude towards this question, having regard in particular to the consideration that any unconditional recognition of Chinese suzerainty would weaken their position in defending Tibet’s claim to autonomy. While they are bound by a promise to the Tibetan Government to support them in maintaining the practical autonomy of Tibet, which is of importance to the security of India and to the tranquility of India’s north east frontier, on the other hand Great Britain’s alliance with China makes it difficult to give effective material support to Tibet. It is therefore desirable so far as possible to prevent the dispute between China and Tibet regarding the latter’s status coming to a head at present. Nevertheless, at some stage discussion with the Chinese Government regarding this matter is probably inevitable. It has therefore been decided that in any such discussions the following line should be taken in so far as the circumstances render it necessary:—

(a) It should be pointed out that Tibet has in practice regarded herself as autonomous and has maintained her autonomy for over 30 years.

(b) It can be stated categorically that neither His Majesty’s Government nor the Government of India have any ambitions in Tibet other than the maintenance of friendly relations.

(c) It should be recalled that the attitude of His Majesty’s Government has always been that they recognize Chinese suzerainty, but that this is on the understanding that Tibet is regarded as autonomous.

(d) It should be stated that this is still their position and any unconditional admission of Chinese suzerainty should be avoided. Any amicable arrangement which China felt disposed to make with Tibet whereby the latter recognised Chinese suzerainty in return for an agreed frontier and an undertaking to recognise Tibetan autonomy would be welcomed by His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India. The two latter Governments would be glad to offer any help desired by both parties to this end.

4. The foregoing would make it clear that His Majesty’s Government do not feel themselves committed to regard China as the suzerain unless she in turn agrees to Tibetan autonomy. For the present, it is better that the matter should be left at that. But at a later stage it may prove necessary to add that:—

(e) If the Chinese Government contemplate the withdrawal of Tibetan autonomy, His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India must ask themselves whether in the changed circumstances of to-day it would be right for them to continue to recognise even a theoretical status of subservience for a people who desire to be free and have, in fact, maintained their freedom for more than thirty years.

5. His Majesty’s representatives should be guided by the foregoing considerations in any questions regarding the status of Tibet which may arise.

Foreign Office, London , 22 July, 1943.

22. Handed to the Adviser on Political Relations (Hornbeck) on September 14 by Sir George Sansom of the British Embassy.