Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1943, China

893.44 Chiang Kai-shek/109

The Chargé in China (Atcheson) to the Secretary of State

No. 1220

Chungking, May 31, 1943.
[Received July 15.]

Sir: With reference to the Embassy’s despatch No. 1064 of April 8, 1943, to the Embassy’s telegrams No. 527, April 13, 10 a.m. and No. 781, May 25, 6 p.m. and to the Department’s telegram No. 632, May 18, 5 [6] p.m.⁷⁰ in regard to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s book entitled China’s Destiny, the Embassy transmits herewith, in accordance with the Department’s request, the original Chinese text of that book and a copy of a condensed translation thereof. The translation was made by the British Embassy at Chungking which requests that its source be kept confidential.

Summary. China’s Destiny shows preoccupation with China’s past treatment by Japan and other foreign powers, determination to make the country militarily and economically strong, conviction that this can be accomplished only through unity under the leadership of the Kuomintang and belief that Western culture, with the exception of science, is unsuited to China. Despite the narrowness of the views expressed, Kuomintang praise of the book has been extravagant and there are indications that the book will become a second “Bible” of the Party. The important share of the reactionary Tao Hsi-sheng in the writing of the book is generally known and the book has created strong resentment among Chinese intellectuals for its lack of vision and progressiveness. It is understood that an English version of the book will not be published either in China or abroad because of anticipated unfavorable foreign reaction and that present plans are to revise the Chinese text and publish an English version thereof.

Contents of “China’s Destiny”.

There is also transmitted herewith a brief digest⁷¹ of the book prepared by this Embassy. It is interesting to note the differences in this digest and that published by the Central News Agency (Embassy’s despatch under reference) which was handed to foreign press correspondents by the Ministry of Information. Obvious differences are the omission of references to the necessity of one-party rule (i. e. the Kuomintang), the emphasis on ancient Chinese culture versus western culture, the passing over of the worst anti-foreignisms and the almost complete omission of any reference to the rights of man and government by law. The section of the book devoted to the last-named subject indicates the rejection of the doctrine of liberty and the rights of the individual as known in liberal western nations.

Tao Hsi-sheng’s Share in the Writing of the Book.

It is generally believed that Tao Hsi-sheng made the largest contribution to the writing of the book although informed observers agree that the views expressed are entirely those of the Generalissimo. Tao has a background as a long time supporter of Wang Ching-wei and he is said to share Wang’s pro-Fascist ideas. When the Chinese Government moved from Nanking to Hankow in 1937, Tao together with several former Blue Shirt adherents formed a small “literary” society for the purpose of combatting the then strong influence of left-wing writers. He joined Wang Ching-wei at the time of the latter’s desertion of the Chungking Government in 1938 and remained with him for some time at Nanking. In 1940 Tao fled to Hong Kong (Embassy’s telegram No. 51, January 17, 7 p.m., 1940⁷²) and “exposed” the terms of the agreement reported to have been reached between the Nanking puppet regime and the Japanese. Since Tao’s return to Chungking, he is said to have become a trusted adviser to the Generalissimo and is regarded as close to the reactionary “CC” clique headed by Chen Li-fu and Chen Kuo-fu, which is commonly considered the most powerful single faction on the Chinese political scene. The book reflects the attitude of the “CC” clique toward questions of economics, industrialization, western liberal thought and the revival of the “ancient virtues” with its emphasis on national defense and industrialization rather than on agrarian reform.

Chinese Reaction to “China’s Destiny”.

There is widespread and strong resentment against the book among Chinese intellectuals and some Kuomintang officials are reported as saying that the book was intended for Chinese consumption and not for foreign readers. It is the evident intention of the Kuomintang to make of the book a Party “Bible” as a companion text to the San Min Chu I of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Kuomintang praise of and publicity for the book, has been extravagant.

As an example of Party publicity for the book, there is transmitted herewith a translation of a special article from the Central Daily News (Kuomintang organ) and a translation of excerpts from two other articles published by that journal.⁷³ In the special article the writer states that the book has carefully described the defects of liberalism and communism; that western nations may misunderstand the book when a translation is published because of their idealization of liberalism; that even if they do misunderstand, “it is impossible for us to abandon our thoughts to follow them”; that each country has its own national conditions; and that “we oppose liberalism” but do not blindly and radically attack liberalism or individualism. The article goes on to quote the Generalissimo as saying “therefore, I hope that for the interests of the country and for the preservation of the nation, all will with one heart and one mind join together under the creed of the San Min Chu I and unite unanimously under the organization of the Chinese Kuomintang”. In one of the two articles, a translation of excerpts from which are enclosed, Tao Hsi-sheng states that “although we have often received directions from the Generalissimo’s speeches, his books or proclamations, yet the projection or [of?] a whole policy is hard to find. In the future, we shall have a source (China’s Destiny) to which we may turn.” In the third article the writer states that “after the San Min Chu I, the best text book for political education is the Generalissimo’s China’s Destiny …⁷⁵ From this book all youths may get most accurate instructions.”

The volume of criticism of the book among Chinese intellectuals has been tremendous and in some cases extremely frank. Many of them have refused to read the book and others have felt that the Generalissimo is setting himself up as a “Sage” as well as a “Hero” and has thus invaded a field for which his background and intellectual attainments have not equipped him. They feel that he lacks vision and progressiveness and that the limitations of his intellectual capacities are clearly shown in this book. They are discouraged in that the Generalissimo should now endeavor to become an arbiter of morals and a philosopher and fear the increasing encroachments on liberal thought at the hands of those close to the Generalissimo. Dr. Sun Fo is reported by several sources as having made the following statement which may be taken as typical of comment in regard to the book: “The book criticizes communism; communism is the state philosophy of our ally, Soviet Russia. It criticizes liberalism; liberalism is the state philosophy of our allies, the United States and Great Britain. The book does not criticize Nazism and Fascism; these are the state philosophies of our enemies, Germany, Japan and Italy.”

Communist representatives at Chungking state that the Communist Party has instructed its members to read the book as the best possible source of propaganda for their cause.

Foreign observers criticize the book as biassed and antagonistic toward foreigners. Some foreigners state that it represents a pernicious misuse and misinterpretation of history for political purposes and feel that it might be beneficial both to China and to friendly nations to have an English translation published, thereby revealing the Generalissimo in his true light and thus bringing to other nations a full realization of the forces controlling China. Americans close to the Generalissimo admit the book is suitable only for middle school students or party members and deplore the anti-foreign bias of the book. In this connection, there is enclosed a copy of a memorandum of conversation⁷⁶ with an American member of the Ministry of Information translating section who has been closely connected with the unpublished translation of the original Chinese text.

Of more lasting importance than the anti-foreign tone of the book are perhaps the political beliefs held by the Generalissimo and his attitude toward liberal thought and western democratic forms of government as shown in the book. One Chinese comments that the book shows that the Generalissimo is really a Fascist at heart.

Publication and Distribution.

China’s Destiny is published by the Cheng Chung Book Company (the name is a reversal of the characters of the Generalissimo’s complimentary given name) which is controlled by the “CC” clique. Most of the books published by this company are political and party propaganda and books of the size of China’s Destiny, with poorer print and paper, are usually priced at Ch$20. The book, which is priced at Ch$5, is obviously heavily subsidized. The copy being forwarded with this despatch is the 130th printing of the popular edition dated March 1943 and while no information is available in regard to the total number of copies printed it may be estimated at between 500,000 and 1,000,000. Free copies of the book are said to have been distributed to Kuomintang and Central Government officials. The Embassy finds that the sale of the book at Chungking ceased several weeks ago but has been unable to discover the reasons therefor. Some Chinese state that orders have been given to stop the sales but no confirmation of such report can be obtained from the bookstores.

The Embassy feels that China’s Destiny is likely to make difficult the betterment of Sino-foreign relations in so far as the Chinese people are concerned. The resurrection, at a time when a nationalistic China is emerging, of wrongs done to China and their biassed presentation to the Chinese people cannot be conducive to a better understanding of the foreigner on the part of the Chinese masses who will inevitably be given the book as Party propaganda. The masses will be nurtured on propaganda and denied a free press and, in the absence of any impartial portrayal of China’s past relations with the foreign powers, may be expected to be free of desirable influences which might break down the always latent mistrust of foreigners.

The Generalissimo’s insistence on Kuomintang rule to the exclusion of any share in the government by other political parties and his denial of western liberalism should serve to convince all Chinese of liberal tendencies that there is little hope for them from the Kuomintang. The prestige of the Generalissimo has been greatly lowered in the eyes of the intelligentsia who in the past have felt that he served as a unifying force in China and that his concern was for political and military power. Now that he has emerged as what they term “a sage”, they are discouraged to find him arrayed against them along with the already known reactionary elements of the Kuomintang.

The Generalissimo’s identification of himself as the leader of the Party rather than of the nation has further lowered his prestige among Chinese liberals, but there exists in China a large number of persons who form the nuclei of the various party organs (such as the San Min Chu I Youth Corps, the Central Training Corps, Central Political Institute, Boy Scouts, police training schools, and the gendarmerie), who for the most part have had no contact with the outside world and who may be expected to accept blindly the material in this book. There should be included among this number many provincial officials who, while perhaps outside the fold of the Kuomintang, are probably equally receptive to the anti-foreign and political propaganda contained in China’s Destiny.

As the book is being adopted by the Kuomintang as the source, along with the San Min Chu I, of all that the Party and its leader stand for, it may be conjectured that the book will perhaps serve a useful purpose in that the issue is now more clearly joined between reactionary and liberal forces in China than before its publication. By reason of it there now exists a declaration by the Generalissimo himself of the principles for which he stands and the policy which he intends to follow. Out of the discouragement of liberal elements in China there may grow a more solid opposition to the Kuomintang and there may eventually arise the leadership which is at present lacking. The only concrete opposition at present lies in the Chinese Communist Party and China’s Destiny may serve the cause of all liberals in China, as the Communist Party feels it does for its cause, as the best possible source of propaganda.⁷⁷

Respectfully yours,

George Atcheson, Jr.

70. None printed.
71. Not printed.
72. Foreign Relations, 1940, vol. iv, p. 265.
73. None printed.
75. Omission indicated in the original.
76. Not printed.
77. The Chargé summarized this despatch in his telegram No. 995, June 22, 4 p.m. (893.44 Chiang Kai-shek/102), and gave extracts “from the more reactionary portions of the book” in his telegram No. 996, June 22, 5 p.m. (893.00/15052). For Department’s comment on the subject, see memorandum of August 9, p. 310.