740.0011 Pacific War/3529

The Ambassador in China (Gauss) to the Secretary of State

No. 1693

Sir: I have the honor to refer to the Department’s telegraphic instruction no. 1302, September 17, 10 p.m. suggesting that, when calling upon General Chiang Kai-shek upon my return to Chungking I mention the great importance attached by the American Government to vigorous prosecution by China of the war against Japan, and requesting that Mr. Atcheson report the reactions of Chinese officials to his earlier approaches in regard to China’s war effort and that I also report on any approaches I might make. Reference is also made to related correspondence including the Embassy’s telegrams nos. 1674, September 11 and 1711, September 15 and the Embassy’s despatch no. 1589, September 17, 1943 (enclosing copies of memoranda67 of Mr. Atcheson’s conversations); also to my telegrams nos. 1807, September 26 and 1871, October 6, 11 a.m.68 and my despatch no. 1626, September 27, 1943.69

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I reported in my 1807, September 26 that General Stilwell had informed me that as a result of Mr. Atcheson’s conversations the Chinese Government had restored one-third of the appropriations for airfields and roads which had been cut but that he was not satisfied with the general picture. A memorandum of my conversation of September 25 with General Stilwell was enclosed with my despatch no. 1626, September 27.

In my 1871, October 6, I reported briefly in regard to my call on General Chiang Kai-shek on October 4 during which suitable opportunity was found to emphasize the determination with which the Government and people of the United States are devoting themselves to winning the war and to say that the United States looked to its Allies, including China, to put forth all effort, with the resources at their command, in cooperation with us to that end. I reported also that General Chiang said that China could be counted upon to do her share. A memorandum of my conversation with General Chiang is enclosed. (The question of Russian relations with the other United Nations as discussed with the Generalissimo was reported in my 1914, October 11, noon.)70

Prior to my conversation with the Generalissimo (earlier opportunity to see him did not arise because of his occupation with the Plenary Session of the C. E. C. and the subsequent meeting of the People’s Political Council), I had a long conversation on October [September] 24 with Dr. K. C. Wu, Acting Foreign Minister. A memorandum of this conversation is enclosed. As regards the question of the war effort I indicated that my personal opinion was similar to that recently expressed to Dr. Wu by Mr. Atcheson (Embassy’s 1711, September 15 and despatch no. 1589, September 17) and I said that it seemed to me that as the United Nations war effort became intensified in this area there was strong likelihood that the Japanese—pressed in the South Pacific, the Indian Ocean and Burma—might undertake an all-out effort against China; hence it would be necessary for all of us, including China, to exert the heaviest possible military effort to prevent Japanese success. Dr. Wu replied that he fully appreciated the situation; that as he had mentioned to Mr. Atcheson following their conversation he had gone at once to the Generalissimo and he could say now that the Generalissimo had issued appropriate instructions. During the course of my conversation with Dr. Wu, the latter brought up the question of the Kuomintang-Communist situation and also the subject of articles recently published in the United States which were critical of China. These aspects of the conversation are described in some detail in the enclosed memorandum.

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In addition to talking with President Chiang and Dr. Wu, I have had conversations with a number of high Chinese officials during which opportunity occurred for me to make remarks along the lines of those suggested by the Department in its 1302, September 17. Among these officials have been Dr. H. H. Kung, Vice President of the Executive Yuan and concurrently Minister of Finance; Dr. Wang Chung-hui, Secretary General of the National Defense Council and former Foreign Minister; General Ho Ying-chin, Chief of Staff and Minister of War; Dr. Wang Shih-chieh, former Minister of Education and recently Secretary General of the Central Planning Board, who has considerable influence with the Generalissimo and who is probably shortly proceeding to England as the head of a good will mission; General Wu Teh-chen, Secretary General of the Kuomintang Headquarters; Dr. Sun Fo, President of the Legislative Yuan; Dr. Wong Wen-hao, Minister of Economic Affairs; Dr. Tseng Yang-fu, Minister of Communications; Dr. Quo Tai-chi, former Ambassador to Great Britain and also former Foreign Minister; and Dr. T. V. Soong, Foreign Minister, who has just returned to Chungking. My conversations with these officials were along lines similar to those taken in my conversations with General Chiang and Dr. Wu and their responses and attitudes were in general similar to those of the Generalissimo and the Acting Foreign Minister. Looking back over those conversations it seems to me that of the officials other than the Generalissimo, the most satisfactory interest in the problem presented was exhibited by Dr. K. C. Wu and General Wu Teh-chen; the latter on his own initiative took occasion on October 14 to inquire of Mr. Atcheson if any improvement had occurred in the situation and he indicated that he had made endeavor to cause improvement.

As regards the general question of Sino-American relations, my impression from my conversations with Chinese officials since my return to Chungking has been that they are almost universally and sincerely friendly to the United States; that they look upon the United States as China’s best friend; and that they are anxious that China maintain the good opinion as well as the good will of the United States. While their continuing interest in the Hanson Baldwin article in the August Reader’s Digest and in other published articles critical of China on the one hand gave some definite indication that the criticism was resented, I could not escape the impression also that the criticism had struck home sufficiently to influence Chinese leaders to endeavor to take steps which might put the Chinese Government and its activities in a better light to American observers, especially observers in the United States. (Various aspects of this consideration have been discussed in the Embassy’s recent despatches in regard to the Central [Page 142] Executive Committee meeting in Chungking early in September and in regard to the subsequent meeting of the People’s Political Council.) For example, Dr. Quo Tai-chi, who is an intelligent and enlightened official of considerable experience and who will probably again in the future assume some important Government post, stated his opinion that the criticism had already had good effect in China and that from the long range point of view it was preferable that it had occurred now rather than later as there would probably result the striking of a balance in regard to China in the American mind which would preclude at some later time a sudden reaction from the current “idealization” of China which might be most adverse. Dr. Quo also stated that he felt that China had been vastly overpraised in the United States since the United States became involved in the war and he seemed to feel that the recent criticism constituted a beneficial leaven in connection with this aspect of the situation. Dr. Quo’s remarks on this and related questions are being made the subject of a separate despatch.71

In conclusion, I would say that while we have perhaps succeeded in impressing upon some officials the need for increased and more effective war effort on the part of China and while also there may be resulting some minor improvement in some aspects of the situation, we cannot safely count under present conditions (which involve of course the question of equipment for the Chinese forces) on effecting any significant psychological change in the Chinese attitude which will impel China’s leaders and soldiers to put forth materially greater effort in the war against Japan. The Chinese have persuaded themselves that the war in Europe will shortly end and that the United States, possibly with help from Great Britain, will defeat Japan; that the Chinese are too tired and too worn and too ill-equipped to make greater effort, especially when such effort may not be necessary; and that the Chinese can sit back, holding what they have against the Japanese, and concentrate their planning upon China’s post-war political and economic problems.72

Respectfully yours,

C. E. Gauss
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[Enclosure 1]

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Counselor of Embassy in China (Atcheson)

Participants: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek
Ambassador Gauss
Mr. Li Wei-kuo, Secretary to the Generalissimo
Lieutenant Colonel Chen Ping-chai, Aide (Interpreter)
Mr. Atcheson

The Ambassador, accompanied by Mr. Atcheson, called on the Generalissimo by appointment at five o’clock this afternoon. The conversation opened with the usual exchange of amenities and further exchanges occurred during its course. The Generalissimo said he was very glad to see the Ambassador back and inquired after his health and the health of the President and of Secretary Hull. The Ambassador said that he brought to the Generalissimo cordial greetings and best wishes from the President and the Secretary of State; he said that on his return journey he had learned that the Generalissimo had been elected President of the National Government of China and he wished to offer his most cordial congratulations. The Generalissimo showed pleasure and a very friendly appreciation of the message of greetings and of the congratulations.

General Chiang exhibited an almost immediate interest in the question of Soviet Russian relations. He asked whether Mr. Hull would personally attend the tripartite Foreign Minister’s conference. The Ambassador replied he had no official information but assumed from recent press reports that he would attend in person. He then asked where conference would be held. Mr. Gauss stated that when he left Washington there had been no announcement on the subject. General Chiang then asked what was the opinion in Washington when Mr. Gauss left as to Soviet continuance in the war and collaboration with partners of the United Nations. The Ambassador replied that he had not discussed this subject with higher authorities in Washington but that from his conversations in official circles generally he had the definite impression that there was full American confidence that Soviet Russia would continue in the war and in collaboration with partners of the United Nations. The Generalissimo commented that there had always been deep suspicion of Soviet intentions and subject was one of great importance. Mr. Gauss replied that he had of course noted press speculation regarding intentions of Soviet Russia; that while there had been mutual suspicion between Soviet Russia and other Powers for many years and it might take some time fully to [Page 144] break down any such suspicion still lingering in the minds of unofficial observers, there seemed in official circles at home to be every indication of confidence that relations with the Soviet would continue on a satisfactory basis and that the meeting of the Foreign Ministers would be successful in clarifying objectives and policies in matters of mutual concern and interest with reference to the European theatre of the war.

The Generalissimo inquired as to American post-war problems. The Ambassador replied that, while there were groups in the Government and out of the Government—some consisting of the best brains of the country—which were giving intensive study to post-war problems, the main energies of the American Government and of the American people were now concentrated whole-heartedly in making an all-out effort to accomplish the immediate task of achieving victory over the common enemy. Mr. Gauss said that he had found a tremendous war effort during his visit to the United States and described for the Generalissimo various aspects of the general picture of the determined and increasing war effort of the United States which was absorbing the mental and physical efforts of all Americans. He said that there was not the slightest question that the American Government and the American people were completely determined to win the war and to fight on with ever increasing vigor and weight in battle and in production until victory should be achieved; that victory to us meant only one thing—unconditional surrender by Japan as well as by Italy and Germany. The Ambassador said that in the tremendous and relentless effort which the American Government, the expanding American armed forces and the single-minded American people were putting forth the United States looked to its Allies such as Britain and Russia and China to make a similarly whole-hearted effort toward victory; that the victory could not be the victory of any one country alone but must be a victory of the United Nations; that the only way to win the peace was first to win a complete victory in the war and whole-hearted effort by all partners or allies was required to achieve that end.

Mr. Gauss went on to say that he realized—and he had made it clear at home in conversations with American officials—that all the Allies could not be expected to contribute an equal share to the war effort because some were limited by their capacities or resources. He said that it was obvious that China’s effort was limited in some directions by lack of military equipment and that not only recently but throughout his tour of duty as American Ambassador to China he had consistently put forward the thesis that it would be a mistake to expect, or to count on, a contribution to the war from China that was physically greater than China’s capacities; but that he hoped, and he had [Page 145] every confidence, that the Chinese Government would put forth every effort of which China was capable within the limits of its resources, and this was most important to the success of the United Nations in defeating Japan. The Generalissimo said that China may be counted upon to do her full share. He added that when the Burma Road is opened China can receive necessary arms and equipment and do more.

The Generalissimo entered into a lengthy dissertation on the question of American-Chinese cooperation which was the only portion of his remarks which appeared to fall into the usual and traditional formula of official conversations. His comments nevertheless seemed to reflect appreciation of American friendship for China and he said that it was his observation that of all the peoples of the world Americans and Chinese found it easiest and most natural to get along with each other. In his reply the Ambassador expressed hearty agreement and described in some detail how impressed he was with the proof of the Generalissimo’s statement to be found in the Chinese air training station at Karachi where Chinese and American officers and Chinese and American mechanics and other enlisted men not only worked together in understanding and friendship but lived together, ate together and had their recreation together. Mr. Gauss spoke also of the productive results of the air training program, including the training of Chinese air cadets in the United States, and mentioned how successful it was proving with Chinese pilots incorporated into units of our Air Force in China and flying and fighting side by side with American airmen.

At the close of the conversation the Generalissimo inquired whether the Ambassador was taking up residence on the North Bank or the South Bank. The Ambassador stated that he was now living in the city not far from the Generalissimo’s residence, that he was available at any time the Generalissimo wished to see him as he was always at the Generalissimo’s command and that he would be glad to be of any possible service at any time. The Generalissimo replied with repeated thanks.

The conversation lasted some fifty minutes. The Generalissimo was most pleasant and friendly throughout and both in his greetings and goodbyes showed more than ordinary cordiality both to the Ambassador and to Mr. Atcheson.

Following the conversation Mr. Li stated to Mr. Atcheson that it had been one of the “happiest” conversations with the Generalissimo that he had witnessed.

George Atcheson, Jr.
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[Enclosure 2]

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Counselor of Embassy in China (Atcheson)

Participants: Dr. K. C. Wu, Acting Foreign Minister
Ambassador Gauss
Mr. Atcheson

The Ambassador called on Dr. Wu by appointment this afternoon to pay his respects upon his return to China. A long and very friendly and informal conversation ensued in regard to various questions affecting Sino-American relations and the war effort, most of which arose out of inquiries made by Dr. Wu as to the Ambassador’s opinion and as to the opinion of the American Government and people in respect to these matters.

Dr. Wu said that there had recently been articles published in the United States which were quite critical of China and which indicated that some Americans did not think that China was proceeding along democratic lines and that the Chinese armed forces were not doing their utmost to defeat the enemy. He asked what the Ambassador’s impression of this development was. Mr. Gauss said that he had been aware that there had been such criticism of China in various press and magazine articles; that we at home are of course used to having our own government criticized; that American writers and critics were accustomed not only to criticize vigorously and with full freedom their own government but any aspect of American life with which they were in disagreement; that they were also accustomed to criticizing foreign governments and foreign countries; that China was by no means the only country which came in for such criticism; and that on the other hand there had probably been less American criticism of China than of, say, Great Britain and Russia in regard to various questions which arose from time to time. Dr. Wu said that the Chinese did not really mind criticism from Americans, as the United States was China’s best friend, and that China really welcomed honest criticism and hoped to take advantage therefrom. Mr. Gauss mentioned that writers in the United States were not always fully cognizant of the facts in connection with developments and conditions in China and Mr. Atcheson remarked that in these days it was difficult for such writers to obtain accurate and comprehensive information on these subjects. Mr. Atcheson added that, with respect to Hanson Baldwin’s article in the August Reader’s Digest, it was of course absurd for Mr. Baldwin to voice the traditional Japanese propaganda line that China was not a nation but a geographic area and that the [Page 147] American people and American Government naturally did not have—and had never exhibited—any such attitude toward the Chinese nation.

As regards the question of the war effort the Ambassador indicated that his personal opinion was similar to that recently expressed to Dr. Wu by Mr. Atcheson and he said that it seemed to him that as the United Nations war effort became intensified in this area—as it certainly would be greatly intensified and the intensification had already begun—there was the strong likelihood that the Japanese, pressed in the south Pacific, the Indian Ocean and Burma, might make something like an all-out effort against China. The Ambassador said that in the light of this likelihood it would be necessary for all of us, including China, to exert the heaviest possible military effort to prevent Japanese success. Dr. Wu replied that he concurred and the Japanese would certainly like to knock China completely out of the picture. He went on to speak of China’s six-year-long struggle and great difficulties and he said in a humorous vein that the Chinese could not merely with spears do very much against the Japanese. Mr. Gauss replied in the same vein that spears had proven excellent weapons in the past in case of necessity and could be used again and he mentioned that military equipment including air matériel was increasingly coming into China. Dr. Wu said that, quite seriously, he fully appreciated the situation; that as he had mentioned to Mr. Atcheson following their conversation in regard to the war effort he had gone at once to the Generalissimo, and he could say now that the Generalissimo had issued appropriate instructions.

Dr. Wu turned the conversation on the Kuomintang-Communist situation and suggested that the Ambassador offer an opinion in this matter. Mr. Gauss said that this was, of course, an internal domestic problem and then went on to make remarks indicative of, from our point of view, the need of maintaining unity in China and of avoiding any dissension which might adversely affect the war effort.

The Ambassador took occasion to mention that our people at home were very pleased with the successful showing in battle made by the Chinese air cadets trained in the United States, the effective way in which they had been incorporated into units of the 14th Air Force and their general spirit of cooperation and fighting ability when put to the test.

Before our departure Dr. Wu made a number of extremely friendly remarks in regard to the Ambassador’s return to China, said that he and other officials of the Chinese Government were aware that Mr. Gauss had made consistent efforts while in Chungking to obtain more aid for China and that the Chinese were very glad to welcome him back as an old and valued friend.

George Atcheson, Jr.
  1. One memorandum printed, p. 123.
  2. For latter, see p. 872.
  3. Despatch not printed, but see footnote 58, p. 130.
  4. Post, p. 822.
  5. No. 1695, October 18, infra.
  6. In a memorandum dated November 25 to the Under Secretary of State (Stettinius) the Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs (Ballantine) suggested that the summary of Ambassador Gauss’ views contained in the last paragraph be brought “to the attention of the President.” Mr. Stettinius concurred in a memorandum of November 30 to the Secretary of State; and a memorandum in which this last paragraph was extracted was sent to President Roosevelt on December 2.