Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1941, Europe, Volume II

740.0011 European War 1939/11872

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Acting Secretary of State

[Washington,] July 8, 1941.

The British Ambassador⁴⁸ called to see me this morning at his request.

The Ambassador first handed me a memorandum which had been given to him by Monsieur Pleven in representation of the Free French. The Ambassador requested that consideration be given to the suggestions contained in this memorandum of Monsieur Pleven and particularly urged that some moral support be given by the United States to the Free French movement. I told the Ambassador that I would be glad to consider the views advanced by Monsieur Pleven but that at first glance it seemed to me that it would be difficult for the United States to maintain diplomatic relations with Vichy and, what was far more important, cooperative relations with the authorities in North Africa⁴⁹ if anything in the nature of official recognition were to be given by this Government to the Free French Committee.

S[umner] W[elles]

[Enclosure]

Memorandum Submitted by M. Pleven on Behalf of General de Gaulle and the Council of Defence of the French Empire, July, 1941

The first fact to which attention should be drawn in any appreciation of the position of the Free French African Empire is the paramount importance of the moral factor.

The whole foundation of the Free French movement is a moral one. The African colonies, to-day under the administration of General de Gaulle and the Council of Defence of the French Empire, rallied at the end of August of 1940 around men who were animated solely by motives of honour and patriotism. On the other hand, the quasi-unanimity of local popular sentiment, which made possible the spontaneous rallying to Free France of French Equatorial Africa and the Cameroons, was helped by the fact that the European population well knew that the French and British possessions in Africa are so closely interlinked that the breaking of normal relations between the two Empires is bound to bring economic ruin and render useless the arduous efforts of the French settlers and planters.

It is therefore quite understandable that, next to the preoccupation of throwing as much of their weight as they can in the War, the main concern of the population of Free French Africa would be the economic problems arising from a complete change in every direction.

It must be realized that the decision to oppose the armistice has cut those territories from their normal outlets and from their sources of supply which were in metropolitan France. The heavy protection enjoyed by the products of the French colonies on the home market had favoured the development of the production of cotton, cocoa and coffee, for which new markets have now to be found. On the import side, practically all manufactured articles and goods can now only be procured from the United Kingdom or the United States of America.

Further, Free French Africa is subject to incessant Vichy propaganda, stressing the alleged favourable economic conditions of the Vichy territories. This propaganda emphasises that shipping facilities, which are so absolutely essential to the economy of all African territories, are more accessible to Vichy colonies than to the Free French. The same propaganda advertises the successes of the enemy against British shipping in an effort to persuade the Free French colonies that the scarcity of shipping will soon deprive them of the means of receiving their most essential requirements.

The British Government’s policy vis-à-vis the Free French Empire has constantly borne in mind these factors. Generous economic agreements have been concluded with General de Gaulle and the Council of Defence of the French Empire. Under these agreements, essential crops are purchased, or at least sufficient quantities of them, to safeguard the economic structure of the country. This policy has been very successful and has allowed the colonies to increase their useful contribution to the war effort. It has allowed them to maintain a balanced budget and the population highly appreciates the assistance which has been given to them by their British Allies through this period of crisis.

However, the intensification of sea warfare and the rationing of British industrial production, are creating new problems for which the assistance of the United States Government will be extremely valuable, particularly in view of the moral considerations which have been outlined at the beginning of this memorandum.

It is a well known fact that the hopes of the French colonial population are turned towards the United States. This is true in Vichy territories and it is even more so in the Free French colonies. The colonies which rejected the policy of capitulation feel that they have shown by their decision that they are pinning their faith to the solidarity between the democracies. They also felt that their action would help Great Britain by demonstrating to the American people that France, where she was free to do so, remained by the side of Britain in a war fought for the defence of freedom. They have been eagerly expecting some sign that this was understood in the United States. The arrival of comforts sent by the Free French Relief Committee in the United States of America to the men and to the hospitals has caused great enthusiasm and gratitude, but now that the territories come more and more into the war orbit, now that Vichy has broadcast its intention to attack the Free French Colonies, it would be an immense encouragement to the men who feel that they have maintained the flag of France in the War, in accordance with the true French spirit, if some measure of economic assistance from the United States of America could be granted to those territories which carry on the struggle against aggression.

There are many ways, in which the United States could help, and the following is only an indication of some of the measures which might be considered:—

1. Shipping: An American Company, the Barber Line, keeps a regular service with the West African Coast. It would be very helpful if the United States authorities exercised their influence to ensure that the Line called regularly in Free French harbours, and particularly at Pointe Noire and Duala, and that some space be reserved on ships making those calls. At present, it is necessary to open negotiations with the Line in order to arrange for any individual ship to call at the Free French harbours.

The Colonies can export to the United States a number of products needed by the ever increasing war effort, for instance: native or plantation rubber, tin ore, lead ore, rutile, cocoa, timber, etc.

2. French colonies require medical supplies and quinine, in substantial quantities. The French have always been reputed for the high standard of their colonial medical services in their fight against sleeping sickness, yellow fever and other dreaded tropical diseases. In the Free French colonies, this great struggle is going on simultaneously with the war effort. It is now increasingly difficult to obtain from the United Kingdom the necessary supplies of quinine and medicine, and the only alternative source is the United States of America, but the payment in United States dollars raises difficult problems.

3. The French Colonial Service has allowed Colonial Officials to take their families to most parts of Africa. In the Tropics, condensed milk is a necessity to European children. The annual peace time demand in the French Cameroons was 153,000 kilos and in French Equatorial Africa 253,000 kilos. Again, exports of condensed milk, from the United Kingdom, are more and more restricted and it seems that the supply can now only come from the United States of America.

4. Other food items, which become more and more difficult to obtain from the United Kingdom, are canned and bottled meat, dried and salted and smoked fish, rice, fruit preserves and juices.

5. In the field of manufactured goods, practically every sort of article is required in small quantities. There are, however, some main articles which are very important from the point of view of the war effort and must be procured in the United States:—

(a) A great programme of strategic roads is being carried out in Chad and North of Oubangui. These roads might become exceedingly important in connection with the development of the war in Lybia. Through lack of equipment, this work immobilises many men belonging to the Army and who should be in fighting units. By obtaining certain machinery from the United States of America many valuable men could be spared.

(b) The development of sea warfare in the Gulf of Benin and in the South Atlantic, makes it a necessity to improve the equipment of the harbours of Duala and Pointe Noire. Pointe Noire is bound to become of considerable importance as it is linked by an excellent railway to the Congo; it has a deep water harbour which has just been completed but it requires lifting equipment and storage facilities.

(c) Much of the automobile transportation is done with lorries and cars of American make. Spare parts are needed and also gradual replacement of the lorries.

(d) A good many tools, such as spades, matchets, etc., are required to carry on Essential work. Also a certain amount of equipment for the numerous air bases which exist in Free French Africa, but have not been equipped for the heavy traffic which war is bringing to those territories.

(e) Broadcasting equipment is also needed to allow a French voice not controlled by the enemy to be heard.

A special item is constituted by Tobacco Leaf. This is a product which interests exclusively the natives who must have something to buy with the proceeds of their work. The normal annual peace time demand in the French Cameroons is about 250,000 kilos, and in French Equatorial Africa about 110,000 kilos. The Free French territories have been short of stock for some time and the demand at the moment is heavy; in fact, these territories are willing to take any supplies they can possibly obtain. Tobacco is not available in South Africa and all Nyasaland tobacco is taken to the United Kingdom with the exception of small quantities which are shipped to the Gambia and Sierra Leone. Therefore the United States is the sole source of supply.

It can be estimated that five or six million dollars would meet the various items necessary to the Free French Colonies during the next twelve months. If this amount could be made available to them, under the Lease-Lend Bill, orders could be placed through the British Supply Council in complete agreement with the British authorities.

It should be noted that no mention is made in this note of war weapons, which the British Government is already supplying to the Free French Colonies and for which, according to necessities, adequate arrangements are made under British-American orders and British allocation under the Lease-Lend Bill.

An announcement that it had been decided to grant the Lease-Lend benefits to the Free French Colonies would consequently have a beneficial effect in two directions.

First, it would bring great encouragement to those men as has happened to others who, brave men before them, incurred the odium of being stigmatised as traitors when they decided to oppose capitulation and have since that date been fighting by the side of their British Allies in Lybia, and Erithrea, in Abyssinia, in Syria and on the high seas.

Secondly it would demonstrate to the colonies under the control of Vichy that effective American assistance is extended to all those who refuse surrender.

48. Viscount Halifax.
49. For correspondence on this subject, see pp. 206 ff.