Foreign Relations of the United States, Diplomatic Papers, 1940, The Far East, Volume IV

793.94/16015: Telegram

The Ambassador in China (Johnson) to the Secretary of State

Chungking, July 8, 1940—noon.
[Received 7:25 p.m.]

326. Following is the text in English as released by the Central News Agency of a message said to have been issued by General Chiang Kai-shek to friendly powers on the third anniversary of the Lukou-chiao incident:¹¹

[“]Today is the third anniversary of the day on which China began to resist the military aggression of Japan. I desire on this occasion to give friendly nations a terse account of the light in which the Sino-Japanese war and the world situation are viewed by the Chinese Government and people.

1. From the very beginning of resistance we have heard that the scope of our cause is not limited only to a defense of China’s existence and independence; it also comprehends a service of the greatest value to future world order and human prosperity. The recent great changes in the European situation have fully proved the complete accuracy of this belief of ours. The Japanese militarists have long entertained an ambition of world conquest, and their attack on China is but the first step of their whole scheme of aggression. Had China not fought for the past 3 years Japan would early have taken advantage of the opportunity to be found in the European war by directly attacking friendly nations’ territory and rights on the shores of the Pacific. As things are, however, China, notwithstanding her original deficiencies in point of military equipment, has by virtue of her people’s united spirit of resolution and sacrifice, brought Japan in 3 years near the point of exhaustion and collapse. In continuing with China’s stout resistance Japan has been steadily drained of her military and economic strength, while the fighting morale of both her peoples and army has seen an even more acute decline. The result is that Japan has by now lost the power to act as an arbiter of Pacific affairs, and all her schemes of conquest and monopoly have become unrealizable. We may congratulate ourselves upon this fact which is no less satisfactory to friendly nations than to us.

2. Resistance having achieved the effects I have just described, the confidence of our whole nation in the future of the war is ever mounting. During the past year, such have been the reverses suffered by the armed forces of the Japanese militarists that they have turned to political devices, hoping by the employment of puppets to shatter the unity of our people. Since the revelation of the so-called ‘outline of provisions for the readjustment of relations between China and Japan’ or private compact concluded by Wang Ching Wei with the enemy on December 30 of last year, the merest child among us has become aware of the shameless treachery and hypocrisy of the Japanese motives. The unanimous solidarity of the Chinese nation has grown only the stronger and its detestation of that treachery and hypocrisy only the more vigorous. This is apparent to all observers both Chinese and foreign. No threats or tricks from Japanese quarters can now disturb the course of this crusade-like struggle for our national independence and world justice. Until the enemy have entirely cast off their aggressive policy and withdrawn their forces from our soil, resistance will never halt. This I feel in a position solemnly to reiterate on behalf of my Government and people, in this present message to citizens of friendly nations.

3. The sympathy and aid extended to China by friendly nations during the past 3 years have impressed upon our people a sense of obligation they will never lose. In this respect [I] have two points I wish frankly to put before my readers.

The first is: Militarily and economically Japan is already plunged deep into a quagmire from which she cannot struggle free. The Japan of today is quite powerless to make war on any third nation. The threats she has recently offered the Dutch East Indies, Indochina and Burma are nothing but bullying and baseless words aimed at the gaining of her predatory and opportunist ends without resort to war. Yet the powers meet such threats with discernment and stern resolution, while they collaborate in devising efficacious means of checking any encroachment. They will thus be discharging a moral and legal responsibility towards China and the Far East from which nothing can absolve them. It is the imperative duty of all friendly nations thus to defend the future order of the world. At the outbreak of the Mukden incident there were some among the governments of friendly nations that were hesitant and disconcerted, which inaction has resulted in the present state of disorder prevailing in the world. If friendly nations now treat the Japanese threats to Indochina, Burma and the Dutch East Indies with the same indifference or tolerance, the outcome will prove unthinkably grave. China, for her part, will not hesitate to oppose with force any future aggressive acts of the Japanese in Indochina or other Asiatic areas, both with a view to her own security and in pursuance of her consistent policy of working against aggression. For, in fact, all Japan’s moves have for the present as their central and governing motive the destruction of our country’s existence and independence.

Again, despite the war in Europe, Soviet Russia and the United States have not as yet been involved and they are therefore fully at liberty to exert themselves in China’s favor and in opposition to Japan. Such action constitutes, I believe, not only the bounden duty but also the responsibility of right of those two countries. Japan is peculiarly dependent upon America for the supply of her military and economic needs. This is a fact universally known. The recent enactment of embargo legislation by the United States Congress¹² was an indication of the popular demand for economic sanctions against Japan. If America and Soviet Russia can speedily take adequate steps to provide China with material assistance, there would be little doubt of an early clarification and stabilization of Pacific affairs such as would not by any means benefit China alone.

4. Finally, in regard to possible future developments in the world situation, we have one observation on recent occurrences clearly and emphatically to make. It is this. For the success of future efforts for world peace it is essential to change self-sufficient and short-sighted habits of mind in favor of the notion of collaboration between all peace-loving nations towards the creation of a strong international organization built into an effective system of collective security. The last 2 months of experience gained from the European war lead us to think that without effective organization of collective security among the nations of the world, not only the small and weak ones, but then the large and strong, lack any guarantee for their safe existence. This lesson we ought to take to heart and never forget. We ought to exploit every suitable opportunity for realizing this ideal. In making this appeal, I am speaking for the 450 million Chinese people, who wish to strive in company with the citizens of all friendly nations towards this goal, for the establishment of permanent peace in the world and the increase of the prosperity of all mankind.”

Sent to Department. Repeated to Peiping, Shanghai. Shanghai please mail to Tokyo.

Johnson

11. Text transmitted to the Department by the Chinese Embassy on July 19.
12. An act to expedite the strengthening of the national defense, approved July 2, 1940; 54 Stat. 712, 714. See also Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, vol. ii, pp. 211 ff.