Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1939, The Far East, Volume III

740.00/1565: Telegram

The Chargé in Japan (Dooman) to the Secretary of State

Tokyo, May 23, 1939—11 p.m.
[Received May 23—5:01 p.m.]

242. Our 234, May 18, 5 p.m.⁵⁰

1. I dined this evening privately with the Prime Minister who had sent me word that he wished to explain his purpose in addressing the letter to you.

2. The first part of his discourse ran substantially along the lines of his letter. I pointed out that there would have to be the closest collaboration between the United States and Japan if they were to move jointly toward seeking a solution of the troubles in Europe and I doubted whether such collaboration were possible so long as Japan adhered to its policies and actions in China. The Prime Minister said that public opinion in Japan would not permit of the settlement of the conflict with China being made a condition precedent to the American-Japanese move which he had in mind. The following is a summary of his statement explaining the Japanese position.

3. Japan had no legal obligation to enter the European war on the side of Great Britain⁵¹ but she believed that she had a moral responsibility. Her fleet and merchant marine were used in operations against the enemy, she wrestled Shantung from Germany and later restored it to China and she cooperated in other ways toward bringing about the ultimate victory but the only thanks she got was the abrogation by Great Britain of their alliance. Further Great Britain along with the United States was complacent when China began to whittle down the fruits of Japan’s victory over Russia. Finally the Washington and London naval treaties together with the Nine Power Treaty completely tied Japan’s hands. There was bound to be a revulsion to these restrictions and that came with the Manchuria incident in 1931. The Prime Minister said that so strong was the sense of grievance of the Japanese people that the Japanese Government could not, even if it wished, make peace with China on terms which did not assure Japan economic security, and that under existing world conditions such security could not be provided by restoration of the status quo ante. He had already given careful thought to the question I had raised with regard to the need for making peace with China and he had come to the conclusion that it would be impossible to dissociate the Far Eastern problem from the conditions of unrest which prevailed in Europe and elsewhere and that this problem is capable of solution by negotiation only when the conditions which lie at the root of the European problem as well as of the Far Eastern problem can be considered.

4. I asked the Prime Minister whether he believed it likely that the American people would look with favor on American collaboration with Japan in approaching the difficulties in Europe when Japan herself was considered to be guilty of the same acts of which Germany and Italy stood condemned and when moreover the press is almost daily reporting acts of Japanese violations of American rights in China. The Prime Minister replied that in respect of the first point he hoped that the American Government at least realizes that Japan had not intended or expected to engage in a war with China. In respect of the second point he admitted that there is justification for complaint but he said that Japan’s first preoccupation must be the success of her military operations. Nevertheless if the powers could come together to find by negotiation a solution of the world’s troubles these issues involving American rights in China could be disposed of without difficulty. In the meantime the Government would continue its efforts to satisfy the American position with regard to the Open Door but one difficulty was the sense of grievance to which he had previously referred.

5. In conclusion the Prime Minister said that this might prove to be the last opportunity to save the world from chaos. He was prepared to sound out Germany and Italy with regard to the holding of a conference such as he had suggested if the President were prepared at the same time to sound out Great Britain and France.

6. He urged on me the supreme importance of secrecy with regard to his approach.

Dooman

50. Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, Vol. ii, p. 1.
51. In August 1914.