500.A15a3/10: Telegram

The Ambassador in Great Britain ( Dawes ) to the Secretary of State

[Paraphrase]

158. I spent two hours with MacDonald yesterday and had a most satisfactory interview. He agrees fully that it would be much wiser that the question of freedom of the seas should be discussed later. We talked over other controversial questions, stressing naval reduction as the first step to be made. My address was gone over carefully by the two of us.9 MacDonald suggested two minor changes to which I assented as they in no way deviated from the spirit of my Washington instructions or the text of my address. The propositions authorized by the President and yourself, as set forth in my address, were most satisfactory to him, MacDonald said, adding that he would most earnestly endeavor to cooperate in every way to bring them to a fruitful conclusion. It was intimated by MacDonald that he had reason to believe that his Admiralty would be more cooperative than had been the case in the past. He expects to make an address in Scotland on the subject of naval disarmament tomorrow night, as he announced in the statement which he gave to the press. Except to state that his address in every respect would be consistent with the American proposition as outlined in my speech, he gave no intimation of what he would say. MacDonald further stated that he expected to discuss with us first any steps which he contemplated taking and that he hoped that we would place a like confidence in him. I assured him that we would most certainly do so. The President, I added, had already expressed the desire to advise him of all steps which he contemplated taking, including information as to the manner in which he was handling the naval situation of the United States.

This morning upon my return to London from Scotland I made a [Page 118] call upon the Japanese Ambassador with whom in Washington I was very well acquainted. I went over my complete address very carefully with him, saying that the President had told me that it was his desire that the Japanese Government should participate with us in the most confidential and intimate manner in all discussions upon this subject and should be kept fully advised. The Japanese Ambassador expressed his satisfaction with my coming to him at this date and said that he approved heartily of all of the American suggestions contained in my speech as well as the method of their presentation. Matsudaira intimated that while his Government was most sympathetic in all regards he thought it would have been better had it been kept more intimately in touch with the discussions between ourselves and the English during the Geneva Conferences.

After my visit with Matsudaira I had a conference with Henderson, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with whom I became acquainted when he accompanied me to present my credentials to the King on Saturday. I have just returned from this interview. Asking for any suggestions as to changes, I went carefully over the text of my address with Henderson. Henderson expressed himself as entirely satisfied with it and with the program outlined therein.

I would also refer to another self-assumed diplomatic endeavor before closing. MacDonald spoke of a possible visit to America during our entirely unrestrained and frank exchange of views and requested my natural reflections upon this subject. I complied with his request stating that I could qualify as a prognosticator of senatorial criticism due to my enforced contact, which had entailed some suffering. My views in general were that a portion of the Senate, which was always inclined to be exceedingly jealous of Executive initiative in international affairs, would use such a visit, should it be taken during the course of negotiations for naval disarmament, to inject into the situation discussions of a most demagogical and demoralizing character. In the discussion of the ratification of any treaty drawn up after such a conference, it would be said that the Prime Minister of England had left the United States with that nation sewed up in his pocket and there would be no material assistance in rectifying this American view by the counterclaim of many of his own countrymen that in his visit he had been seduced into surrendering British sovereignty to the United States. In view of the relations of the Senate to the situation, I further stated that any such uncommon event as a visit of the Prime Minister of England to the President of the United States would be used with diabolical ingenuity to create a fog bank, in which the real merits of the case would be completely lost to the view of the ordinary citizen. Notoriety which is not based upon an accomplishment, especially when [Page 119] it is acquired only at its risk, is not worth a damn, I suggested in closing. When I had finished speaking, MacDonald remarked with some emphasis: “It is my hope that I may sometime take a trip to America, but it is decided now that it will not be until after the ratification of the disarmament agreement.” The President of the United States and its people, I assured him, would give him a most sincere and hearty welcome at any time he announced his plan of coming to the United States for a visit.

This morning finally I had a very agreeable visit with E. Price Bell10 to whom I outlined the situation and gave a résumé of my conversation with the Prime Minister. The President, I told Mr. Bell, had not expressed his attitude to me on the subject, but when the question was discussed in his presence he did not openly demur when views similar to those I made to MacDonald were expressed. The fact that it was semi-officially announced from Washington that the President was awaiting information from me as to whether Mr. MacDonald planned the trip and the foregoing justified me in my judgment in stating my own personal reaction in the matter in my conversation with Mr. MacDonald. I respectfully submit all of the above to you.

Dawes
  1. Telegram in two sections.
  2. Address delivered in London at the banquet of the Society of Pilgrims of Great Britain, June 18, 1929, p. 121.
  3. Edward Price Bell, American journalist and author, who was exerting his personal efforts to advance friendly sentiment among the English-speaking peoples of the world.