867.4016/723c: Telegram
The Acting Secretary of State to the Ambassador in France (Herrick)
350. The Secretary in his address at Boston on October 30 made the following reference to the Near Eastern situation as a part of his outline of our foreign policy.
“The most acute questions at the moment concern the Near East. The Christian world has been filled with horror at the atrocities committed at [in] Anatolia, especially in connection with the burning of Smyrna, rivalled only by the wholesale massacres and deportations of the Armenians in 1915. While nothing can excuse in the slightest [Page 948] degree or palliate the acts of barbaric cruelty of the Turks, no just appraisement can be made of the situation which fails to take account of the incursion of the Greek army into Anatolia, of the war there waged, and of the terrible incidents of the retreat of that army, in the burning of towns, and general devastation and cruelties. Anatolia in war has been the scene of savagery. Last June, the President gladly agreed to enter with the Great Powers into an investigation of the atrocities which had been reported and he detailed officers for that purpose. Later, it was suggested by the Powers that the inquiries be undertaken by the Red Cross, and this was agreed to, but before the inquiry could be made the final scenes in the tragedy were being enacted.
We have not failed to voice American sentiment in our abhorrence of these cruelties practiced upon helpless populations. Our American High Commissioner at Constantinople, during the past year and a half, has not failed repeatedly and vigorously to protest against them. Before the burning of Smyrna, fearing the reprisals that might follow the Greek retreat, he most earnestly impressed on the Turkish Nationalists the need of energetic measures for the protection of the people of the occupied territories. In the appalling distress at Smyrna, American officers were the first to give and continued to give all the relief within their power, and from that moment we have lost no opportunity to succor the refugees by measures which have been rapidly and constantly broadening to meet the exigency in every practicable way. Our representatives have been instrumental in effecting the evacuation from Smyrna of nearly 200,000 refugees. The President’s appeal on behalf of humanity, and in support of all that the organized philanthropy of America can do, has met with the most generous response.
It is easy to talk of prevention after the event. The fact is that these latest occurrences have been the immediate result of a state of war and we were not parties to that war. When the Allies were at war with Turkey and we associated ourselves with the Allies in the war with Germany and Austria-Hungary, we declined to go to war with Turkey despite the occurrences of 1915. In the last 2 years, with armies in Asia Minor, the appeal has been to force, and the American people would never have been willing to shoulder this burden of armed intervention which the Allies with their forces nearer the scene were unwilling to bear.
It would be equally futile now to talk of this country going to war when all the other Powers are arranging to make peace. At no time has the Executive had any authority to plunge this country into war, even a holy war. I know there are those who think we should have threatened even if we did not intend to make war. The Administration does not make threats which it does not purpose to carry out. The American people cannot afford a policy where the words spoken on their behalf do not mean all that is said, and when we threaten we shall execute. Permit me to quote the words of Colonel Roosevelt, whose name is often invoked by those who apparently have but slight knowledge of his views. In relation to a diplomatic situation which involved a similar question, he wrote as follows: ‘As I utterly disbelieve in the policy of bluff, in national and international no less than in private affairs, or in any violation of the [Page 949] old frontier maxim, “Never draw unless you mean to shoot,” I do not believe in our taking any position anywhere unless we can make good.’
In the present exigency, in addition to the full measure of relief which the American people are giving, there are American interests which must be adequately protected and humanitarian interests which should have our support in every proper way. I cannot discuss these in detail tonight but I may mention the protection of American citizens in Turkey, the conserving with their just rights of our educational, philanthropic and religious institutions, the safeguarding of American commercial interests, the freedom of the Straits in the interest of commerce and equal opportunity, and the protection of minorities.
As we are not at war with Turkey we are not appropriately parties to the peace negotiations which are about to take place. While we have American interests to protect, these are not associated with the political ambitions of European Powers which have made the Near East a checkerboard for diplomatic play. We do not propose to connect ourselves with these rivalries, as such a connection would only confuse our aims with those of others, and obscure our clear and simple purposes. What we desire does not involve the slightest injury to others or derogation of the rights of others, and we claim the protection of American interests at every place from whatever sovereignty may be in charge. We trust that in the interest of freedom of opportunity there will be no endeavor to parcel out spheres of special economic influence. If we avoid the conflicting rivalries in which we have no proper part and hold to a clear and definite American policy we shall the more easily maintain our friendship with other Powers, foster good will and heighten rather than diminish the influence which we desire to be helpful.”
The above is sent for your information in view of the possibility that it may reach you misquoted through other channels.
Repeat by cable to Constantinople as Department’s 230 and by mail to London and Rome.