Paris Peace Conf. 180.03101/41
BC–34 SWC–9
Minutes of the Meeting of the Supreme War Council Held in M. Pichon’s
Room at the Quai d’Orsay, Paris, on Monday, 17th February, 1919, at 3
p.m.
Paris, February 17, 1919, 3 p.m.
Present
America, United States of |
British Empire |
France |
Mr. R. Lansing |
The Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, O. M., M. P. |
M. Clemenceau |
Mr. E.M. House |
The Rt. Hon. W. C. Churchill, M. P. |
M. Pichon |
|
Secretaries |
|
M. G. Auchincloss |
Lt. Col. Sir M. P. A. Hankey, K. C. B. |
M. Dutasta |
Mr. L. Harrison |
Mr. E. Phipps |
M. Berthelot |
|
|
M. de Bearn |
Italy |
Japan |
H. E. Baron Sonnino |
H. E. Baron Makino |
|
H. E. M. Matsui |
Secretaries |
|
Count Aldrovandi |
|
M. Bertele |
|
|
Joint Secretariat |
|
America, United States of |
British Empire |
France |
Col. U.S. Grant |
Captain E. Abraham |
Captain A. Portier |
Italy |
Japan |
Major A. Jones |
M. Saburi |
|
Also Present |
|
America, United States of |
British Empire |
France |
Gen. T. H. Bliss |
Gen. Sir H. H. Wilson, G. C. B., D. S. O. |
Marshall Foch |
|
Vice Admiral Sir M. Browning, K. C. B., M. V. O., R. N. |
Gen. Belin |
|
Rear Admiral W. G. P. Hope, C. B., R. N. |
Gen. Alby |
|
|
Gen. Weygand |
|
|
Col. Gallini |
|
Italy |
|
|
General Diaz |
|
|
General Cavallero |
|
Interpreter:—Professor P. J.
Mantoux. |
1. M. Clemenceau said that Marshal Foch had
returned that morning from his journey into Germany with the signature
of the Germans to the Armistice conditions agreed on by the Supreme War
Council.
Report of Marshal Foch on Renewal of Armistice
Marshal Foch said that he had met the German
plenipotentiaries at 3 p.m. on the 14th. He had put before Herr
[Page 23]
Erzberger the convention decided
on by the Powers. Herr Erzberger had taken the text, and, in reply, had
handed in a declaration covering 23 pages. (For text of which see
Annexure “A”.) This declaration contained a justification from the
German point of view of the execution of the terms of the original
armistice. The two principal demands made related:—
- (1)
- To the repatriation of prisoners.
- (2)
- To the action taken by the French in Alsace-Lorraine against
German industrialists holding property removed from France and
Belgium.
In respect to the first, Marshal Foch had addressed the following reply
to the German Secretary of State:—
(a) Repatriation of German Prisoners “In
reply to your communication of February 3rd, I have the honour
to inform you that the Supreme War Council of the Allied and
Associated Powers considers the repatriation of German prisoners
of war impossible for the moment; but these Powers will see to
it with the greatest care that all the seriously sick and
wounded are repatriated with the least possible delay.
Consequently, France is actually taking steps to begin the
immediate repatriation of about 2,000 German prisoners of war
besides the prisoners of war already sent to Germany or
Switzerland. Great Britain is disposed to proceed in the same
manner as rapidly as possible.”
(b) Restoration of French & Belgian Property
In respect to the second, Herr Erzberger’s view was that proceedings
could not be taken against private individuals holding property removed
from France and Belgium during the war, because they had received it
from the German Government. The restoration of this property must
therefore be a matter for negotiation between the Governments. The
Allied point of view was that these goods could be recovered wherever
found. Marshal Foch had, therefore, addressed the following reply to the
German Secretary of State:—
“I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the memorandum
contained in your letter of the 27th January.
In this connection, I would remind you that in the course of the
last interview at Trèves, I stated that I could not accept the
view of the German Government; that is to say, that German
subjects who had carried away and taken in charge industrial
apparatus coming from the occupied territories should benefit by
the terms of Article 6 of the Convention of 11th November,1 as having participated
in acts of war.
I merely undertake to transmit to the competent judicial
authorities the special cases which you may think it your duty
to submit to me.
[Page 24]
I have, therefore, forwarded the memorandum to the said judicial
authorities, who will decide on this particular question of
law.”
(c) German Reluctance To Sign New Armistice
Conditions Continuing, Marshal Foch said that on the 15th the
German Plenipotentiaries alleged that, by reason of the slow
communication with Berlin and Weimar, they could not say when they would
be able to sign the Armistice. Further they wished to modify and extend
the text of the Convention submitted to them. Marshal Foch, on the 16th,
had sent them the following communication:—
“In reply to your letters of the 15th February, I have the honour
to inform you that:—
(1) The text of the Convention which was handed to you yesterday
was drawn up by the chiefs of the Allied and Associated
Governments.
I can neither change it nor add to it.
(2) As the Armistice expires on the 17th February at 5 o’clock in
the morning, the latest hour for signing a new extension is 18
hours on the 16th February, —in order to give time for
communicating orders to the troops.
If the Convention be not signed at the latter hour, I shall be
obliged to leave Treves and the Armistice will cease to operate
at 5 o’clock in the morning of the 17th February.”
After this, the conditions of the new Armistice were signed with a slight
alteration respecting the line of demarcation between German and Polish
troops. This modification affected the Silesian frontier, where, as
there were no Poles, it was decided to adhere to the prewar frontiers.
(For final text, see Annexure “B.”)
After signing the Convention, Herr Erzberger had handed to Marshal Foch a
declaration from Herr Scheideman, in the following terms:—
“The German Government recognises the grave nature of the
consequences which would be involved both by the acceptance, and
particularly by the refusal of the Convention. When it gave
instructions to its delegates to sign it, it did so feeling
convinced that the Allied and Associated Governments were going
to make a serious effort to give to the world that peace which
is so ardently desired, during the short period for which the
armistice was being prolonged.
Nevertheless, the German Government feels obliged to indicate its
own point of view as regards the three conditions imposed in the
Convention, by making the following observations:—
I. The agreement ignores the fact that the German Government has
been constituted by the popular will, in an orderly manner. The
agreement imposes on the Germans, in the form of orders and
prohibitions marked by harshness and favouring the rebelling
Poles, the necessity of evacuating a number of important places
such as Birnbaum and the town of Bentschen without any delay.
These places are in German hands, their population is mostly
German, and they are particularly important in regard to the
intercourse with Eastern Germany. In addition to this, the
Allied and Associated Powers
[Page 25]
do not even guarantee that the Poles, on
their side, will abstain from preparing or undertaking further
attacks, or that they will treat the German population with
humanity—a population, the protection of which we are forced to
give up: or that they will release the German hostages, the
retention of whom has now no object; or that they will keep up
the supply of food from the west in the same way as has been
done up to the present.
Although we are ready to cease all military offensive action in
Posnania and in other regions, and to accept the present
military situation in these countries as a basis of negotiation,
we really must be able to expect the Poles in revolt also to
respect the line of demarcation. If they do not, we ought to be
permitted to defend ourselves by force of arms.
II. Germany is able to prove that she has striven to carry out
the clauses of the Armistice until her economic strength was
completely exhausted and until her transport services gave way.
Now, once again, she will undertake to fulfill the conditions
which she has not up to the present succeeded in carrying out,
but at the same time she feels justified in assuming that her
undertakings will not receive any interpretation inconsistent
with the principles acknowledged by the two parties before the
President of the United States of America and rendering nugatory
the idea of a peace founded on right.
III. The fact that Germany is granted only a short undefined
renewal terminable at the will of one party only at three days’
notice instead of an Armistice containing a fixed time limit
enabling her to take the necessary dispositions to execute the
clauses is the very thing to jeopardise quietness and order in
Germany and constitutes an unjustifiable aggravation of our
constitution. We cannot give up the hope that the Allied and
Associated Governments will consider it possible to open
negotiations on the German counter-proposals and to renew the
Armistice until the Preliminaries of Peace.”
(d) Allied Commission in Warsaw To Supervise the
Execution of the Armistice Terms in Relation to Poland
Marshal Foch said that, to ensure the
execution of the terms of the Armistice relating to Poland, he suggested
that the co-operation of the Allied Commission in Warsaw should be
obtained. To this end, he proposed the following telegram:
“I send you below the text of Article 1 of the Armistice
Convention signed on February 16th:
‘The Germans must immediately desist from all offensive
operations against the Poles in the region of Posen or
any other region. With this object, their troops are
forbidden to cross the following line:—The former
frontier of East and West Prussia with Russia as far as
Luisenfelde, then from this point the line:—West of
Luisenfelde, west of Gross Neudorff, south of Brzoze,
north of Schubin, north of Exin, south of Samoczin,
south of Chodziensen, north of Czarnikow, west of
Mialla, west of Birnbaum, west of Bentschen, west of
Wollstein, north of Lissa, north of Rawicz, south of
Krotoszyn, west of Adelnau, west of Schildberg, north of
Vieruchov, then the frontier of Silesia.’
The Inter-Allied Commission at Warsaw should at once inform the
Polish Government and Command of this Convention, reminding them
that all hostilities must cease on the Polish side as on the
German.
[Page 26]
The Commission must make sure that this injunction is observed on
both sides.
It will settle on the spot the difficulties of detail which
cannot fail to arise, the line of demarcation fixed serving as
the basis of its decisions.
The German delegates have asked Marshal Foch that rules may be
laid down for the protection of the 400,000 German subjects
living in territory occupied by the Poles, for communication
between this territory and the rest of Germany and for the
rolling stock of railways. (sic)
Marshal Foch has been unable to treat from a distance these
questions of detail which can only be settled on the spot. The
Allied and Associated Governments instruct the Inter-Allied
Commission at Warsaw to decide them.
With this object, the Commission should establish relations with
the German Government and High Command through General Dupont at
Berlin.
The Inter-Allied Commission at Warsaw will keep the Governments
constantly informed of the progress of its work.”
(It was decided that this telegram should be sent by Marshal Foch.)
2. Admiral Browning said that, as the
provisions of Article 22 of the Armistice had not been completely
fulfilled, he had had a meeting on the 14th with the German naval
representative. The latter had been informed of what was required to
complete the fulfilment of that Article. He had replied that Germany was
disposed to bring to an end the submarine question once and for all.
There were two classes of submarines:— Disposal of
German submarines
- (a)
- Those to be surrendered.
- (b)
- Those to be broken up in Germany.
Of the former, 45 still remained to be handed over, and
the latter comprised all the surplus. The German naval representative
had accepted the conditions laid down. Admiral Browning had also pointed
out that, of the batch due for surrender in the previous month, two had
been alleged to have sunk at the mouth of the Elbe. He had pointed out
to the German representative that, whether this was due to negligence or
bad seamanship, the Allies were not prepared to allow a repetition of
such events. The Allies would require in exchange for any submarine lost
a complete set of engines and electrical and other plant. The German
naval representative had agreed. The Germans had also agreed to send to
Great Britain special submarine docks and lifting vessels. Any in
process of building would be destroyed and no further building would be
undertaken. Dates had been fixed for the surrender of the material, with
a small margin allowing for bad weather.
[Page 27]
3. Admiral Browning had, further, drawn the
attention of the German naval representative to the spreading of German
propaganda by German Wireless Stations. The latter had asked whether
this enquiry was intended to convey a warning. Admiral Browning had
replied in the affirmative. German Wireless
Propaganda
4. Admiral Browning had further pointed out
that the apparent reluctance of Germany to surrender her merchant
shipping, until minor points of finance had been settled, did not
harmonise with the alleged desperate straits for food in Germany. The
naval representative had agreed to convey these remarks to Herr
Erzberger. Surrender of German Merchant
Shipping
5. Mr. Balfour said that he had shown the
Chairman the telegram from the British Admiralty requiring a decision by
the Supreme War Council. He therefore wished to bring it to the notice
of the meeting. He then read the following:—Question
of Permitting the Transfer by Sea of German Troops to East Prussia
and Latvia
“Instructions should be obtained from Supreme War Council as to
whether Blockade of Germany should be relaxed in so far as is
necessary to permit maintenance of German armies in Latvia and
East Prussia.
Many requests are being received from Admiral Goette for free
passage by sea from Western German ports to Dantzig, Pillau,
Memel and Libau, of individual ships carrying troops military
supplies and coal for railways.
A decision in principle is required observing the German troops
are engaged in operations against Bolshevists as well as against
Poles and that in no case is it proposed to grant general
permission.”
He suggested the matter should be referred to the Military and Naval
Experts, of the Supreme War Council.
M. Clemenceau asked whether it would not be
better to refer it to the Blockade Committee.
Colonel House expressed the opinion that the
questions involved were military rather than commercial.
M. Clemenceau then suggested that this telegram
should be sent, at the same time, to the military and naval Advisors and
to the Blockade Committee.
(It was decided, after some discussion, that the telegram should be
referred, at the same time, to the military and naval Advisors of the
Supreme War Council, and to the Blockade Committee, for reports.)
6. M. Clemenceau said that he must inform the
meeting that he had received a letter from M. Pachitch to the effect
that the Serbian Government proposed to submit their case against Italy
to arbitration by President Wilson. He stated that he merely reported
this as a statement of fact. Question of Arbitration
Between Italy and Serbia
[Page 28]
Baron Sonnino said that he thought it his duty,
after hearing the communication made by the Chairman, to state that the
Italian Government regretted that it could not accept any proposal for
arbitration on any question for the solution of which Italy had engaged
in war, and waged it for three and a half years in full agreement with
her Allies, and the examination of which by the Peace Conference was
pending.
7. A discussion on the policy to be pursued in Russia ensued, and after
an exchange of views, it was decided to postpone the resumption of the
discussion until later in the week. Policy of the
Allied and Associated Powers in Russia
8. M. Clemenceau announced that the Serbian
statement would be heard on the following day if there were no
objection. Serbian Statement
Baron Sonnino said that the position of the
Italian Government in relation to the Serbs was a delicate one. The
Italian Government did not wish to enter into a polemic at the
Conference. He, therefore, suggested that the Serbs should be heard in
the absence of the Italian Delegates, or that if heard in their
presence, no discussion should ensue.
M. Clemenceau said that the last proposal was
in accordance with precedent. The Serbs would be heard, and the Meeting
would be adjourned.
(The Meeting then adjourned.)
Paris, 17th February, 1919.
Annexure “A”
[Declaration
Handed by the Head of the German Armistice Commission
(Erzberger) to the
Allied Armistice Commission, February 14,
1919]
Gentlemen: For the third time, we have to
meet again at Trèves to negotiate the prolongation of the Armistice.
The prolongation of the Armistice until the conclusion of the Peace
preliminaries as considered in Article I of the convention of 16
Jan. 19,2 has unfortunately not met
with the approval of the Allied Government, any more than the
promise of 13 Dec.2
Armistice New Source of Hatred Among Peoples
I ask why our people have the impression that this prolongation of
the Armistice has but one aim; to impose upon us new and heavy
conditions and prejudice peace. Thus the Armistice becomes a new
source of distrust, of hatred between peoples, and even of
despair.
By that, the Allies are preparing the way to Bolshevism. On the
[Page 29]
contrary, the German people
is trying hard to repulse this Bolshevism—At this very moment the
German National Assembly is sitting; it has considered as the first
and most pressing of its duties to constitute a Government in
conformity with the result of the elections. Germany has a
democratic and parliamentary government, which personifies and
warrants the will of the people to arrive without delay to a peace
of reconciliation. The new government rests on a broader basis than
any other government in the world.
Value of Surrendered Material The German
people has been obliged to buy the Armistice and its successive
prolongations until today, by enormous sacrifices. It has abandoned
to you property of a huge value. You have received German war
material valued at more than a billion. The value of the warships
which were delivered, amounts to more than a billion and a half. In
the delivery of transportation material, Germany has gone beyond the
limits of what she could do. The Prussian-Hessian State Railways
alone have delivered more than two and a half billions of railway
material. Up to 5 Feb. we have delivered to you 4,137 locomotives
and 136,398 cars. Up to 11 Feb. 10,263 locomotives, and 216,072 cars
had been turned over.
Demobilisation The demobilisation of the
Army is complete. We have at our disposal in round numbers, 6,000
officers of the active army, less than in peace time in 1914. A very
high percentage of the available officers is either sick or wounded.
And from the discharge of the majority of the former officers of the
Active Army who were mobilised, and of the reserve officers, we have
released already, since the armistice, more than 200 general and
field officers of the regular army, without any new promotion taking
place.
As for enlisted men, at the end of February all classes will have
been demobilised except one. And this class has sustained heavy
losses during the campaign. If, in spite of that, the effectives and
expenditures are still high, it is due on the one hand to high cost
of living, and on the other to the large number of sick and wounded
who are still treated in the hospitals—in round numbers, 200,000—and
finally to the large number [of] unemployed soldiers, who according
to regulations are still allowed to remain for four months at most
on the pay roll of the troops, while looking for employment. This
delay will only begin to come to an end during the following months.
Enlisted men of this category are worthless in the military sense of
the word; their only duties in their garrisons, and only in order to
earn their salary, are solely fatigue work and guard duty. Men
retained in military service are likewise, for the most part,
worthless as soldiers on account of the revolution and local
disorders which are still resulting.
[Page 30]
Consequently, for the upkeep of order and the protection of the
frontiers, we have been obliged to call upon volunteers. But, on the
whole, they came only in small numbers. In order to allow the
Government of the Empire to fulfill the duties which are absolutely
necessary, it has been necessary, later on, to call back, in the
eastern part of the country, men who were in their homes. The total
strength of the units which can be used is so low that it is
impossible on account of its weakness, to make an extensive use of
this force. Taking into account the volunteer units in course of
formation, the strength (which is, however, subject to constant
changes on account of their formation) can be estimated, for the
present, in the following figures, figures which are likely to be
modified later because of the poor system of military
information.
|
Strength |
For the protection of the western
frontier round numbers—on a line of about 600 km |
10,000 men. |
For the protection of the Eastern
frontier, in Courland, Silesia and Saxony, about 1800
Km |
100,000 men. |
Inside the empire—round
numbers |
70,000 men. |
|
180,000 men. |
Troops returning from Russia, in
round figures |
20,000 men. |
(Besides isolated troops in the
South-East or otherwise useless in round figures 60,000
men.) |
|
Total of usable men, in round
figures |
200,000 men |
That is, one-fourth of the old German Army in peace-time. And of this
strength 30 to 40% do not do real front-line service.
Repatriation of Enemy Prisoners of War The
repatriation of Allied war prisoners for the west was already in
progress at the time of the last negotiations for the prolongation
of the armistice at Treves. The Serbian and Roumanian sick and
seriously wounded were evacuated in hospital trains. The other
Serbian prisoners of war have also been transported to Agram.
However four of their trains had to be unloaded on German-Austrian
territory owing to lack of coal. The War Ministry has immediately
taken the necessary steps to insure the continuation of
transportation by providing the necessary coal. The Roumanian
prisoners of war will be evacuated later.
Restitution of Enemy Securities The general
office of the Armistice commission, created for the prompt
restitution of securities and documents according to article XIX has
worked successfully since the last negotiations. Independently of
the securities previously delivered, there have been returned
778,348,237.12 marks worth and 4,171,165 francs worth. The
securities removed from Belgium and placed on deposit with the
general war fund in Munich
[Page 31]
have been covered in lists which have been submitted. The work of
the German commissioners in Brussels and in France is under way and
progressing satisfactorily in agreement with the French and Belgian
authorities. They have even been concluded for the most part. At
Mayence, there are now being returned to France the securities paid
or found which have been placed on deposit with the General War fund
in Berlin and Munich, amounting in round figures to 120 boxes; a
balance of two millions of local paper money (municipal bonds) is
also being returned. The evacuation of the bank securities taken
from France and deposited in Liege has begun during the last few
days. According to the closing protocol of 1 Dec. the list has been
supplied for all the works of art taken from Belgium and known at
the present time. The greater part of the lists relative td works of
art removed from France, has also been furnished; as regards
collection of works of art themselves, the one in Brussels has been
entirely delivered and a receipt has been given.
Delivery of Agricultural mechinery Thus
Germany has employed all her forces to honour her engagements
ensuing from the treaties. This is also true as regards the clause
for delivery of agricultural machinery imposed by the treaty of 16
Jan. However, the difficulties which occur on this point cannot be
overcome unless the supply of raw materials and partly manufactured
products coming from the territories on the left and the right bank
of the Rhine, promised by Marshal Foch on the 6th, can be assured in
a large measure, if we obtain deliveries of coal from the Sarre, and
if shipments from the left bank to the right bank are
authorised.
Continuation of the Delivery of Locomotives Cannot
Be Carried Out Within the limits which are marked out for
her by the Allied powers, and by present circumstances, which create
almost insurmountable difficulties, Germany has done all in her
power, and has called all her forces into play. The delivery of
locomotives now under way has reduced the park of locomotives fit
for service on the Prussia-Hessian railway system to such an extent
that the maintenance of even the most miserable economic life is
compromised. The stocks of coal for the use of the railways have
been impoverished to a menacing degree. The supply for the gas
plants and electric stations has failed. Owing to the impossibility
of transporting the raw materials and partly manufactured products,
unemployment is increasing. Our railways are completely worn out. If
we go on with the delivery of engines, we may foresee with certainty
an early discontinuance of the whole transport service. I do not
need to explain in more detail what this means in the present
situation of the coal and food supply. It is impossible to estimate
the consequences. This is why no one in Germany can take the
responsibility of continuing
[Page 32]
the delivery of engines. At the same time you forbid us coast
navigation on the North Sea and Baltic,—a navigation which we
urgently need to relieve our railways, and you maintain the
blockade, which leaves us without the raw materials we need to make
repairs. Nevertheless, with regard to the values in question, we
wish to fulfil the obligation we have contracted. Germany will
execute in an entirely loyal manner the engagements which she has
assumed. But, on this point, you must allow us to make an exchange.
From 600 to 700 locomotives are still missing. I declare myself
ready to put at your disposal, after detailed agreement, a certain
number of railroad cars in exchange, and I propose that you
institute without delay a subcommission for the settlement of this
question.
Restitution of captured Material In
compliance with article VI of the Convention of January 16th 1919,
relative to the restitution of machinery and material taken from
Belgium and France, we entered into negotiations, at Spa, with the
Industrial Sub-Commission of the Allies and we have fixed by a
Protocol, the conditions of execution. Immediately after, the
creation of a “bureau” has been undertaken at Francfort-sur-le-Mein,
as contemplated in these conditions of execution. Conferences have
taken place at Spa, as well as in Berlin, with the Representatives
of the Allies, relative to the wording of the books of questions to
be used in tracing up the machinery in question. An ordinance has
been published with a view to ascertaining the declaration, the
careful keeping up and restitution of this machinery.
Delivery of the Submiarines Now that the
naval clauses of the Convention of November 11th 1918 and of the
first prolongation of the treaty of Armistice have been complied
with in the requested time-limit, the demands formulated in the
second prolongation of Armistice are being given satisfaction.
Admiral Browning has recently stated his demands anew, by giving the
exact indication of the various submarines. The list furnished by
him, is not in accordance with the list which has been drawn up on
the German side.
Consequently, a delay ensued, for which Germany is not responsible.
Another delay might be caused by the fact that the situation of ice
hinders the concentration of the tugs. We will fulfil our
engagements as soon as possible. Admiral Browning now demands that
the submarines of new construction be also delivered into English
ports. We have promised the delivery of the docks for submarines and
of the mine sweepers, as demanded in the Convention of January 16th.
However, this delivery cannot actually be effectuated until
atmospheric conditions make it possible for these ships to travel,
which are not equipped for sea journeys. All the submarines which
have not yet been delivered, new constructions
[Page 33]
included, will be entirely dismounted,
this work is already being executed. The internment of all ships,
requested by the Allies, replacement of ships included, according to
English informations, has taken place at Scapa Flow. Up to the
present time, the protestation made by Germany against the
non-observation of the Armistice by England who has not even tried
the internment into neutral ports, has received no answer.
Immediate Restitution of German Prisoners of
war While Germany makes the greatest efforts to prove, in
a loyal manner by the execution of the conditions which have been
imposed upon her, that she is ready to make heavy sacrifices for her
aspirations towards Peace, I regret to be obliged to note again, in
the face of the world, that the attitude of Allied Governments
always remains in contradiction with the spirit of a future of
Peace. The History of the world will record, as an example of the
most extreme brutality, the fact that our prisoners of war are still
pining away in the hands of the Allies. Since the beginning of
negotiations relative to the Armistice, I have always requested that
the restitution of the prisoners of war be considered as a measure
admitting reciprocity. In a manner, incomprehensible for this German
people, who has been slandered and treated as barbarous, you have
taken advantage of the superiority of the forces on your side, to
oblige us to send your prisoners back to you, while you were keeping
ours. On my pressing request, you declared yourself ready, that is
true, to recognise that the question of our prisoners’ return was to
be settled at the time of conclusion of preliminaries of peace. But
that act of consolation has not occurred. Nobody, in Germany, could
think that the preliminaries of peace would be so long delayed. On
the other hand, the decision thus taken, did not prevent you from
yielding to a human thought of which you consider yourself as
guardians and especial protectors, and to send our prisoners back to
us after you had received yours. Your prisoners have long gone back
to their homes already. They are in their families and can, in the
midst of those that are dear to them, resume their civilian
occupations. The sentiment, natural to any man, considers as an act
of barbary that, though you make for yourself a condition of
armistice of the restitution of these prisoners, you would have
refused to apply the same consideration to our prisoners and looked
on their restitution as a condition of Peace. The records of
negotiations of Armistice and Spa negotiations are full of requests,
asking you to listen at last to the voice of humanity. The most we
ever obtained were promises. And so, the time has come when we have
lost faith in such promises. We want to see action. On no point
relative to the Armistice does the German people show as feverish an
emotion, as on that question of the prisoners. A wave of indignation
and despair goes through the whole
[Page 34]
country. From the smallest villages from the
north, south, east and west of Germany I receive daily numerous
letters and telegrams from the parents of prisoners who pour out
their desperate hearts in earnest and often profoundly touching
words. Children cry for their fathers, wives for their husbands;
aged parents have but a single desire, to see their child once more
before dying. Organisations have been established to defend the
cause of our prisoners of war.
Our people rightly declares that it is absurd at the approach of
peace to maintain from a single side a war measure. It is only by
asserting your predomination that you keep our compatriots far from
their country. We have sufficient proof that a great number of them
are on the way to physical and moral ruin. I ask you: Where do you
obtain the moral right to expose thousands of Germans to this
danger? Where do you obtain the right, at the moment when the world
wishes to establish a peace of right, where it is a matter of
eliminating the principle of violence from the common life of
nations, to keep thousands of men, women and children far from their
human attachments? The Allies must be convinced that the
reconciliation is not aided by this means. The German people resents
this means of barbarous constraint as it would a blow in the face.
If you believe that you can inflict this disgrace upon the German
people without reaction you are mistaken. The preponderance of power
is at present upon your side, but in spite of that you will have to
reckon and work with the German people in common if European peace
is to last. Therefore I ask once more that you render aid. Return
our prisoners to us at once. Deliver them from captivity, permit
their depressed spirits to return to life. If you do not do it for
the men do it for the children of whom there are many who no longer
know their father. Do it for the women that they may anew consecrate
themselves to their family, while the father takes up the task of
the protection and the support of the family. Do it for the parents
who, deprived of their children by the war, deplore each of the days
which delays the return of their beloved children now that the noise
of arms has ceased. Finally fulfil the promises by which you have
awakened and at the same time deceived our hopes. Marshal, it is to
you especially that I address this urgent prayer, because it is you
to whom people will listen when the Allied Governments take refuge
behind the fears for military order. The German people do not think
of taking up war again. The German people requests by my mouth the
immediate return of these prisoners of war and these civilian
prisoners. A certain number of severely wounded have been returned
only by the American and British Governments and these small bits
are all that have been given us. But the requests for an
amelioration of the lot of the civilian prisoners and prisoners of
war have been refused. What will the civilized
[Page 35]
world say when it sees that not even
German chaplains, doctors and nurses are permitted to visit them?
History will one day reproach you severely if you have the intention
of allowing this state of affairs to continue until the conclusion
of the peace preliminaries. It is not a question of criminal
prisoners. Therefore give the order that the German civilian and war
prisoners be liberated from all the Allied countries. First send
back all the wounded and sick, the interned civilians and the war
prisoners who have been in the hands of the enemy for more than 18
months, especially the fathers of families. Marshal Foch himself has
designated these categories as those which inspired the most
sympathy. Until their situation is decided grant to all the civilian
and war prisoners an alleviation of their situation. Give them a
greater liberty of movement outside the camps, until nightfall.
Remunerate their labour, exactly like that of your own workmen.
Abolish the postal censorship and the systematic delay in the
sending of mail, for which there is no longer a military reason.
Extend the rights of correspondence. Have all mail sent immediately
through the occupied territories and have the sealed cars containing
packages coming from Germany taken as far as the camps. Give them
the same food as your own population. Give them the opportunity of
buying food freely. Improve their clothing. Free them from the green
uniform of those condemned to forced labour and from the stigma of
the “P. G.”4 Soften the disciplinary measures for
punishable acts committed up to the day of the new prolongation of
the Armistice. Permit immediately the chaplains, doctors &
nurses & delegates of the German Red Cross to enter the Prisoner
of War camps in all the Allied countries, to restore the broken
spirits of the German prisoners of war and civilians.
I have a special word to devote to the Medical personnel. Article 12
of the Geneva Convention5 stipulates the immediate return of the
doctors and of the sanitary personnel whose services are no longer
necessary. Numerous members of the sanitary service are in this
position, having been left with the wounded and sick in the
evacuated territories. I expect this article of the Geneva
Convention to be followed. The least that one can demand is that
personal liberty be accorded the sanitary personnel until their
repatriation. Grant them the pay and the allowances which are due
them by virtue of Article XIII of the Geneva Convention and give
them the freedom of postal service.
Gentlemen, I cannot leave the chapter of our prisoners of war without
once more expressing the unanimous request of the whole German
people. Begin the evacuation of our prisoners of war at
[Page 36]
once. At the first news
appearing in the press on the subject of the renewal of the
armistice manifestations have come to me as I have explained from
all parts of Germany. They are summed up in the cry: “Immediate
return of our prisoners of war”. The German National Assembly, the
legitimate spokesman of the German people adopted a resolution
containing the same request. I request that the seriousness and the
humane motives of this movement, with all its lasting importance, be
grasped. The German people requests foremost and expects with
certitude from the present negotiations that the retention by force
of our prisoners of war be terminated. I can content myself neither
with the assurance that this question will be considered by the
Allies nor with the assurance of Marshal Foch that he will support
this request to the Allied Governments. I must have the assurance
that the evacuation of the German prisoners of war will commence
immediately. No one with humane sentiments can demand of me that I
take the responsibility of formulating another demand in this
question than that which I set forth.
Closing of the Occupied Territories Since
one has seen manifested in the occupied territories the effort made
to deprive them of normal relations with the unoccupied territories,
the German Armistice Commission has drawn attention to the serious
injury to the whole German economic life which will be caused by
this separation between regions important for production and
consumption. Although promises have always been given us at Trèves
and Luxembourg, normal relations have nevertheless not been
re-established. At the last negotiations in Trèves, I remarked that
the freedom of relations could not in any way endanger the safety of
the Allied arms. This is especially true for the liberty of economic
exchanges. The authorisations of exchanges given in cases of specie
can in no wise satisfy the existing needs. It is only a general
suspension of the stopping of exchange of products from the left
bank to the right bank of the Rhine and vice-versa which can create
the situation in which the economic life can maintain itself and
attain its goal. Numerous exploitations will have to follow them
shortly if there is no change. This is true of the factories of the
right bank as much as those on the left bank, according to the
location of the sources of their raw materials and of the region
where they send their products. Marshal Foch himself has indicated
the results of the dismissal of workmen during the course of the
preceding negotiations at Trèves. If it is the intention of the
Entente to prevent the Bolshevist disorders and intrigues, freedom
of circulation can contribute a large part. I emphasise also the
detriment to the spring planting as a result of the fact that the
arrival of seeds has become almost impossible. Many small market
gardeners and workmen of the occupied zone must count
[Page 37]
upon the sending of small
quantities of grain from the non-occupied territory. As long as
these shipments of grain by postal packages are not assimilated to
packages of food an unendurable situation will last. It is also
necessary that the circulation of persons between the occupied
regions and the non-occupied regions be rendered freer. I understand
perfectly that Marshal Foch wishes to prevent the introduction of
germs of Bolshevism into the Allied armies. But there is nothing to
prevent guarantees against this possibility from being found.
Moreover it is an indignity for a civilised people to be submitted
after the end of a state of war to such restraints in its relations
by railroad and by mail with the territories belonging to its
country as is actually the case here. Family and business relations
are rudely interrupted. The youth in the schools in certain parts of
the occupied territory must needlessly lose the necessary time for
their instruction, because there exists no faculty in the occupied
territory where they live and because they are prevented from going
to another school. These are infringements of the right of free
personal disposition and find no justification in the treaty of the
Armistice of November 11th. I therefore request that this
unendurable state of affairs end and that the economic and postal as
well as personal circulation between the occupied and the unoccupied
regions be made free.
Permission of Permanent Circulation for the
Members of the National Assembly I request for the Members
of the National Assembly a permanent permission to travel in either
direction without hindrance and I request also for them the freedom
of postal relations.
(Illegible) I cannot commence these
negotiations moreover without making a vigorous protest against the
new excess of power on the part of the Allies, Although Marshal Foch
had declared at Trèves January 16 that no owner of mechanical
material bought a second time (verb left put), a certain number of
directors of factories, and managers have been arrested and
punished. Contrary to Marshal Foch’s conception, according to which
the guarantee provided by Article VI of the agreement of 11 Nov.
applies only to espionage, I have succeeded, opportunely, in having
this point of view applied as a guarantee covering also the buyers
of machines coming from seizures in the occupied territories, and
covering persons charged with the execution of liquidation
procedure. I maintain this point of view, and raise a protest
against the arbitrariness with which these arrests have been made.
In order to avoid all pretexts of arrests, the decree above-cited
was issued to obtain the restitution of the machines. You expressly
assured us that there would no longer be this question of new
arrests of industrial persons as soon as such a decree had been
promulgated.
[Page 38]
The persons in
question are innocent, and justice forbids punishing the innocent. I
therefore request the immediate liberation of those who have been
arrested and condemned.
(Illegible) The Allies have not ceased in
their attempts to give a wide interpretation to the financial
agreements arrived at, especially regarding that of 13 Dec. 18,6
attempting to extend para. 4 of this agreement to cover all Germany.
If this interpretation is desired for the said para., it can be done
only on the principle of reciprocity. Moreover: this is not part of
the armistice. I am ready to accept the immediate establishment of a
commission to treat this question independently of the armistice.
For the protection of private property is to the interest of both
parties.
Alsace-Lorraine The Expulsion of Germans
from Alsace-Lorraine continues. Those expulsions have meanwhile
reached such a number that they justify the conception of
“evacuation”, even in the French acceptance of the word with which
Germany cannot entirely agree. In these circumstances women are
treated in a way that is truly revolting. Alsace-Lorraine throughout
is hermetically sealed. In this country, the near relative of a
person in the unoccupied zone may be ill, or may die, without this
person receiving the least word. Thus tragedies are taking place
daily which will cause their full share of pain to the interested
persons and to the whole world, but only when these barriers have
once again been reopened. There is no reason for this state of
things. I must raise a particularly keen protest against the fact
that the French have confiscated private property of Germans (and to
a large extent have put it under an organ for sequestration) in the
territories occupied by them. The state of an armistice, which
should be the beginning of a state of peace, furnishes no
justification whatever for this measure. I raise a protest also
against the fact that the National Assembly had to open without the
presence of the representatives of Alsace-Lorraine to transmit the
wishes of their country. The legal situation of Alsace-Lorraine is
not modified by the fact of an armistice. Contrary to Germany’s
authorizing the Alsatians in 1871 to take part in the elections for
the French National Assembly, France did not permit the elections
for the German National Assembly in Alsace-Lorraine.
Defence Against the Polish Ambitions for
Conquest I find myself obliged to make a most serious
protest against the attitude of the Allies towards the defence of
Germany against the ambitions of the Poles for conquest of certain
parts of Germany.
It is unheard-of that the German authorities in the territory coveted
by the Poles in the East of Germany be prevented from taking part in
its public life. Such an attitude is one the [that]
[Page 39]
leaves a
person without knowing whether to attribute it to a complete
misconception of conditions in the East, or to regard it as the
final straw of foreign intermeddling with the interior independence
of a people. The subject of Polish intrigue and ambition is being
struggled for on German soil. It is not we who are the aggressors,
but the Poles, who, in Posen, have everywhere assumed the offensive
militarily. The best proof of the absence of any aggressive
intention on the part of Germany is the absence of any military
preparation on their side. For this sole reason, the Poles were able
to obtain certain successes. The menace that the Poles are
developing against the most important railroad lines of the East,
confirms their very broad, offensive intentions. The objection that
the Poles are a bulwark against Bolshevism is rendered untenable by
the fact that Polish agitation especially in upper Silesia, but also
in the provinces of the North, is working in close communion with
Bolshevism. The Bolshevist agitators are, almost without exception,
Poles. The Poles seem to have the intention of creating a state of
general insecurity to have the pretext of intervention for the sake
of re-establishing order. The German people cannot permit itself to
be deprived of the right, and will not permit itself to be deprived
of the right to protect itself against the insolent encroachments of
the Poles on its own territory, with what forces it possesses.
Germany has accepted the 14 points of Wilson, but the Allies have
too. But the 11th point does not say that Germany has bound itself
to stand aside inactive if the Poles attempt to appropriate by
violence portions of German territory. The 11th point no more gives
the right to the Allies of forbidding the German people to defend
themselves from similar encroachments. The right of the German
people to the undiminished possession of its entity within the
framework of Wilson’s points, and to defend this entity against all
attacks, remains eternal and unassailable.
Retention of German Ships I raise still
another protest against the fact that, among the ships used for the
evacuation of French prisoners of war, the restitution of which had
been guaranteed us by the Allies, 5 have been taken away from us
simply without a word of explanation, and contrary to the previous
assurances. The agreement regarding navigation of 17 Jan. at Trèves
gives the Entente no right to seize German ships by violence.
Agreement Regarding Navigation In the
Agreement regarding navigation of Trèves, the German people put at
the disposition of the Entente its merchant fleet, to help the
food-supply of the world, and to secure its own food-supply. The
Allies have already bound themselves, in the agreement of 11 Nov.,
18, to accept the duty of turning over the food necessary for
Germany throughout the duration of the armistice. Since then, long
negotiations
[Page 40]
have been
carried on. The Germans have always repeated their request that the
contractual obligations of the Allies be performed. Already three
months have gone by since the 11th of November, and one month since
Germany consented to put her fleet in the general “pool” of the
world. Throughout this period, and up to today, the German people
have not had the benefit of one gram of food, of fats, or of milk,
more than they formerly had.
German Assistance to the United States Do
not make it too difficult for the German people to appease its
hunger for bread and for work. In 1862–65, during and for some time
after the Civil War, the United States of North America found
themselves in a position similar to states that of Germany to-day.
At this time, American exchange was at 30–40% (greenbacks) and
American 6% loans at 48–50%.
England was on the side of the “Confederates” (the South). Then it
was that Germany came to the help of the United States giving them
not only money, but also clothes, shoes, machines, etc. and making
possible their economic recovery. To-day, 50 years later, the facts
are reversed. Germany needs America to furnish her grain, fats,
meat, oil, cotton, copper, and her own exchange has fallen. If the
United States would to-day come to the aid of Germany as she came to
their aid 56 years ago, they could furnish food and raw materials
against German loans, and thus permit Germany to reconstruct itself
by its own work, and could pull a good deal in the bargain.
Food Gentlemen, Germany can no longer live
on the assurances that are offered her, nor can she live on long
drawn-out negotiations in which more or less large figures are cited
which make her mouth water. Here too I request Action. The German
people are tired of always making gifts. At present they want to
hear from the other side of the bargain. In the widest circles,
Germans ask themselves with justice: “What do the Allies want of
us?” We make sacrifice after sacrifice, and in giving up our goods
we are reaching the very limit of poverty. We do not want the food
that we need as gifts; we want to buy it. Nevertheless its delivery
is always postponed more and more, and we are suffering from hunger.
If the Entente wishes to annihilate us, it at least ought not to
exact us to dig our own grave. Physicians have recently published
the statistics of the victims of the blockade and of hunger. These
figures had been hidden from the public during the war. They amount
to hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children, dead of lack
of nourishment, or of diseases resulting from the lessening of their
powers of resistance. You have in your hands the means of putting an
end to this horrible state of affairs.
[Page 41]
Immediate Deliveries in the City of Paris After
the Armistice in 1871 In this connection, I appeal to you,
sir. When the Franco-German armistice was concluded 48 years ago,
Jules Favre—on the 28th January 1871—laid before Bismarck frankly
the situation of the food-supply of Paris, which he had carefully
concealed up to that moment: Paris had bread for only a few days
longer. Bismarck was visibly moved; he immediately granted all
imaginable facilities to bring about the arrival of transportation,
and he offered Favre all the available food in the German stores.
Favre recognised this fact with gratitude, and said: “If the
Prussians had not given us flour, we should have died of
hunger.”
Then it was ourselves who had the greater power. At present it is you
who hold it. Make a good use of your power. Use it in such a way
that you can stand before the conscience of the world after the
lapse of several generations. For all power gives an eternal
responsibility. Remember that hunger gives birth to destructive
bacilli. Remember that if these bacilli develop and propagate
themselves, the greatest dangers will arise for your own people as
well. Despair is the mother of Bolshevism. It is a disease of
physical and moral hunger. The best remedy is bread and justice. You
have the same interest as ourselves in relieving the world from the
disease of hunger with the least possible danger. Then bring it
about that the German people may finally participate in the
food-supply of the world which you hold in your hands. Give us too
our inalienable right, guaranteed by you as well, to a peace of
reconciliation among peoples. Those who sow hatred among peoples,
reap Bolshevism.
Peace Once again the appeal of the German
people for the conclusion of peace has remained without echo. For
four years and more the world has lived bearing an enormous weight
on its moral and material powers of resistance. You desire rest and
work, you people as well as the German people. If the striving
toward peace shows itself with more force and intensity among us,
this is because of the formidable exhaustion of the forces of our
people. Do you desire the complete reduction of the German people,
who has just now entered in the ranks of democracies under its new
form of existence? The chariot of the world cannot drive onward if
one of its horses pulls with force and vigour, while the other is
exhausted and limps. It is only when the civilised Nations are
together, side by side, almost in step, that the common happiness of
all peoples is to be found. Renounce your policy of using force
without scruples; think how such a policy is bound to have its cruel
punishment in the life of peoples, as it has in the life of
individuals. Violence is a weak foundation for the life of peoples.
The German people has gone sufficiently far on the road of
sacrifices and of suffering. The cry of
[Page 42]
indignation caused by the numerous severe
conditions that you have imposed on us, rings as well in your ears.
If you do not wish to hear these cries of pain, you are sinning
against the happiness of the entire world, even against your own
people. The first duty of the conqueror is to grant the peace that
is requested.—However, for what will soon be 5 months, this
obligation has not been fulfilled by you, but this war without the
spilling of blood has gone on with new victims. I serve you
notice.—
Annexure “B”
[Additional Armistice Convention,
Signed February 16, 19119]
(Translation)
Convention
The undersigned plenipotentiaries, Admiral Wemyss being replaced by
Admiral Browning, Major General von Winterfeldt being replaced by
Major General von Hammerstein and Minister Plenipotentiary Count von
Oberndorff by Minister Plenipotentiary von Haniel given the powers
in virtue of which the armistice convention of 11 November was
signed, have concluded the following additional convention:
I
The Germans must immediately cease all offensive operations against
the Poles in the region of Posen or in any other region. With this
end in view their troops are forbidden to cross:
The line: former frontier of East Prussia and of West Prussia with
Russia, as far as Luisenfelde, then from this point the line west of
Luisenfelde, west of Gross Neudorff, south of Brzoze, north of
Schubin, north of Exin, east of Samoczin, south of Chodziensen,
north of Czarnikow, west of Mialla, west of Birnbaum, west of
Bentschen, west of Wollstein, north of Lissa, north of Rawicz, south
of Krotoszyn, west of Adelnau, west of Schildberg, north of
Vieruchov, then the frontier of Silesia.
II
The armistice of 11 November prolonged by the conventions of 13
December 1918 and 16 January 1919, until 17 February 1919, is again
prolonged for a short period without date of expiration, to which
the Allied and associated powers reserve the right to put an end
after a notice of three days.
[Page 43]
III
The execution of the clauses of the convention of 11 November and of
the additional conventions of 13 December and 16 January
incompletely realised, will be carried on and finished during the
prolongation of the armistice under conditions the details of which
will be fixed by the Permanent Armistice Commission, according to
the instructions of the High Command of the Allies.
Signed:
F.
Foch
M. E.
Browning
Erzberger
Von Haniel
Von Hammerstein
Vanselow
Trèves
, 16
February, 1919.