File No. 893.00/2859½

The Minister in China ( Reinsch ) to the Secretary of State

No. 2079

Sir: In connection with my despatch No. 2071, of May 24,1 I now have the honor to forward a copy of the authoritative text of the measure for the organization of the Southern Military Government, which was passed, in its final form, by the “Extraordinary Parliament” in Canton, on May 18, 1918.

There is also herewith enclosed despatch No. 74, dated April 30,1 from the Consul General at Canton, dealing with the situation of the Military Government, in which it is pointed out that the condition in the South, due to rivalries among the militarists, has become almost chaotic.

Copies of the letter of resignation of Dr. Sun Yat-sen from the position of generalissimo of the Military Government, as published in the Peking Leader, May 26, are also enclosed. Dr. Sun has since then expressed himself as most discouraged with the actions and methods of the militarists both in the North and in the South; on the other hand, it may be stated that his own political action, while apparently inspired by liberal ideas, has not been characterized by practical wisdom. On all sides there has been a want of efficient leadership.

I have [etc.]

Paul S. Reinsch
[Enclosure 1]

Articles of reorganization of the Southern Military Government, May 18, 1918

The National Assembly in extraordinary session in Canton has finally, on May 18, 1918, passed the long discussed bill providing for the reorganization of the Military Government established here last August.

The articles of reorganization, when roughly translated, follow:

  • Article 1. The Military Government of the Republic of China is founded upon the confederation of the constitutionalist provinces and shall, during the incapability of the National Assembly and the President to perform their functions, and in accordance with the articles of this act, exercise the executive powers of the Republic of China.
  • Art. 2. The powers of the Military Government shall be as follows. (1) to conclude peace and declare war; (2) to transact foreign affairs and make contracts and treaties; (3) to supervise common finance; (4) to decide disputes between provinces; (5) to recognize the admission of armies from constitutional provinces; and (6) to deliberate on the preparation and general plan of the war. All contracts or agreements involving a financial burden on the people, the issue of domestic or foreign bonds, and the offer of terms of peace shall be approved or ratified by the National Assembly in extraordinary session.
  • Art. 3. The powers of the Military Government shall be executed by an administrative council consisting of seven directors elected by the National Assembly in extraordinary session. All meetings of the council shall be presided over by a chairman chosen by and among the directors. Each of the constitutionalist provinces and each of the recognized constitutionalist armies may send a delegate to the council for participation in the deliberation of affairs mentioned in sections 1, 2, 4, and 6 of Article 2.
  • Art. 4. The Military Government may establish the ministries of foreign affairs, finance, war, general staff, navy, interior, communications, and justice, all under the immediate direction of the administrative council.
  • Art. 5. Each ministry, unless directly controlled by a director of the administrative council, may have a minister.
  • Art. 6. All ministers shall be appointed by the administrative council in regular session assembled. During the inability of a director to function, he may appoint a minister to act in his stead.
  • Art. 7. A director of the administrative council may hold other offices.
  • Art. 8. All documents of the administrative council shall be jointly signed for promulgation by the directors.
  • Art. 9. The internal subordinate bureau of the administrative council shall be organized by a separate law.
  • Art. 10. The powers and functions of the governments of the constitutionalist provinces shall continue as hitherto. But those organs which are subordinate to the Peking Government and which cannot be directly controlled by the provinces may be controlled by the Military Government.
  • Art. 11. These articles shall be null and void when the National Assembly and the President are again capable of exercising their powers.
  • Art. 12. These articles shall come into force on their promulgation.

In accordance with the foregoing articles, the National Assembly in extraordinary session, on May 20, 1918, elected the following as directors of the administrative council:

  • Mr. Tong Shao-yi, ex-Premier of the Republic of China
  • General T’ang Chi-yao, Military Governor of Yunnan
  • Dr. Wu Ting-fang, Minister for Foreign Affairs and ex-Premier
  • Dr. Sun Yat-sen, first Provisional President of the Republic
  • Admiral Lin Pao-yi, Commander in Chief of the Chinese Navy
  • General Lu Jung-ting, Inspector General of Liang Kwang
  • Mr. Tsen Ch’un-hsüan, former Viceroy of Liang Kwang

[Enclosure 2]

Extract from the “Peking Leader”—Sun Yat-sen’s letter of resignation

(From a correspondent)

Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Generalissimo of the Military Government of the Republic of China, tendered his resignation to the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session on 14th May. His letter to the leaders of the Southwest, roughly translated, reads as follows:

After the illegal dissolution of the National Assembly last June, and the unsuccessful attempt to restore the monarchy, there has been no lawful government in the Republic of China. Had Feng Kuo-chang and Tuan Ch’i-jui shown their regret, for their past wrongs and, without being ambitious to advance individual power and interests, cancelled the illegal mandate, thus enabling the National Assembly to resume its regular session, no one would have accused them further. They, instead of following wise advice, persisted in employing the Northern troops to dominate the whole land, arousing animosity and conflict in Hunan and Szechuan, forcing a division of country and, at the same time, affording the armies of Kwangsi and Yunnan an opportunity to rise for local reasons, to declare independence with very little regard to upholding the fundamental law of the land.

I, unwilling to see the Constitution of the country violated without justification, at once called upon the leading citizens of the Republic in Shanghai and resolved to organize a government for the defence of the law, the officers and men of the Navy then there joining in the declaration and agreeing to move southward together. Upon the invitation of the Kwangtung Provincial Assembly, the members of the National Assembly came to Canton and, on August 31, 1917, or the sixth Year of the Republic, in Extraordinary Session, enacted a law organizing the Military Government of the Republic, electing me the Generalissimo; I, at the time, was not ignorant of my incompetence for such a heavy responsibility but, realizing the many difficulties facing the country, unwilling to shirk my duty [Page 96] as a citizen, and also being one of those who have laboured for a republic, I felt I could not allow constitutionalism to die without coming to its rescue. Despite obstacles and difficulty, I have, since then, tried to promote the interest of the constitutional cause against militarism and rebellion, trying to acquaint the people at home and abroad with the aim of the Military Government, taking into consideration nothing of the possible success or apparent failure as long as the spirit of constitutionalism is maintained.

Since this was done, the Provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, Yunnan, Kweichow, Hunan, and Szechuan have each severally or individually declared their allegiance to the constitutional movement and accepted the reconvocation of the National Assembly as the common cause of struggle, subordinating local differences to the national issue. The ability of the Military Government, an institution at first without an inch of territory, in rallying six provinces under its sphere of influence, besides many others showing sympathy with us, while it cannot be called a success, may be numbered as one of its achievements at this critical moment under adverse circumstances.

Of the many dangers at present facing our country, the struggle of the militarists for supremacy is the greatest. This danger is not confined to either the North or the South. Many of the officials of the so-called constitutionalist provinces have not been wholly willing to submit to law and public opinion and most of the officials elect of the Military Government have not seen fit to assume their offices. They have not shown the desired respect and obedience to the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session as they should. This lack of whole-hearted internal cooperation has rendered outside recognition impossible. I have almost exhausted my energy in calling the attention of the provinces to this incoherent situation: and only those who are associating with me in this effort have appreciated my object, while many outsiders are still wondering about my purpose.

The question of one’s outgoing or incoming is but a slight matter when compared with the vital importance of the preservation or the destruction of our country. I have suffered abuse and insult and have borne the present responsibility with patience until this day, doing everything necessary all this time to secure the deserved respect and reverence for the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session. The recent fall of Yochow and Changsha seemed to have helped to indicate the weakness of a divided camp, hastened the realization of a more united organ of administration, and compelled the obedience to the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session as an essence to constitutionalism. The willingness to come together now is not too late to fulfil the hope which I have exerted my full strength to realize. Moreover, I have caused to be appropriated from the salt revenue funds to enable the National Assembly soon to resume regular sessions on June 12 next, an act completing my duty towards this institution, to enable it to reconvene. Now the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session has acceded to the demands of the provinces and has amended the law to reorganize the Military Government which should henceforth receive full support from all so as to make the righteous cause of constitutionalism a success and give the country blessing and happiness.

Labouring almost as an individual without men or arms, I, therefore, have not been able to do more than what I have done, but, at the same time, I do not feel I have to apologize to the nation. As an individual citizen henceforth, I shall continue to do my duty towards my country. In these words, I forward my resignation as the Generalissimo to the National Assembly in Extraordinary Session.

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