File No. 812.512/2106

The Ambassador in Mexico ( Fletcher) to the Secretary of State

No. 1337

Sir: In continuation of my despatch No. 1312 of August 14, 1918, and confirming my telegram No. 1404 of August 17, 3 p.m.,2 I have [Page 767] the honor to enclose copy and translation of the note from the Mexican Foreign Office, No. 2772 of August 17, replying to my note of April 2 last, protesting against the petroleum decree of February 19, 1918. This note also contains a reply to the request for postponement of the enforcement of the various petroleum decrees, made directly to President Carranza under date of August 13, a copy of which was enclosed in my despatch No. 1312 of August 14. I also enclose a copy of a note which the British Chargé d’Affaires has addressed to the Mexican Government, dated August 20 last, and in which protest is entered against the petroleum decrees issued since February 19 last.

As the Department will have noted from the telegrams passing between the representatives of the oil companies in the United States and their agents and attorneys here, amparo proceedings have been instituted in the courts of Mexico against the recent petroleum decrees. Mr. Rhoades informs me that the proceedings are progressing satisfactorily, and that he has every hope of securing what would amount to a preliminary injunction in our procedure. The issuance at the eleventh hour of the decree of August 12 has relieved the situation and removed the danger of arbitrary proceedings against the companies by the Mexican Government. I gathered from my last conversation with President Carranza and the decree which was issued the following day, as well as from the language employed in the reply forwarded herewith, that the Mexican Government welcomes the recourse which the companies have had to the courts.

A new Congress in which the Government can rely upon a majority support in both branches, will convene on the first of September, and I should not be surprised if an entirely new petroleum law were proposed by the Government almost immediately, although it may be decided to await the decision of the Supreme Court as to the constitutionality and legality of the decrees issued by the Executive. Should the decision of the courts uphold the contention of the Mexican and foreign companies and citizens as against the Government, the troublesome question of enforcing Article 27 retroactively will be removed, and the way will be open for the Mexican Government to proceed along more moderate and, as we think, more just lines, with the so-called nationalization of petroleum-producing lands. At any rate, an acute crisis in this petroleum matter has been avoided and present indications are that this difficulty, which seriously threatened the good relations between Mexico and the United States, will be adjusted by peaceful and legal methods.

I have [etc.]

Henry P. Fletcher
[Enclosure 1—Translation]

The Mexican Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs ( Pérez) to the American Ambassador ( Fletcher)

No. 2772

By direction and raider instructions from the President of the Republic, I have the honor to reply to note No. 290 which your excellency addressed to the Government of the Republic under date of April 2, this year, with regard to the decree of February 19 which established taxes on petroleum lands and petroleum contracts, as well as to that addressed to the said high official on the 13th of [Page 768] August last. In the first note, your excellency presents through me to the President of the Republic, a formal and solemn protest of the Government of the United States against the violation of private property rights legitimately acquired by American citizens, which it is considered the application of the decree mentioned will bring with it.

I must not conceal from your excellency the fact that it has been a matter of surprise for the Mexican Government to receive a diplomatic representation with reference to an act proceeding from the legitimate exercise of its sovereignty, such as the issuance of a decree, and that the said representation contained the proposition of affording undue protection to foreign citizens and interests, and which, if made good, would have the effect of placing them in a better and more privileged situation than Mexicans themselves.

Your excellency will understand that neither the one nor the other can be consented to by a government or a people conscious of its dignity and high duty of preserving unblemished the national sovereignty.

Of the principal questions covered by your excellency’s note referred to, one relates to the tax created by the decree on oil lands and contracts, and another to the system of real property contained in Article 27 of the political Constitution of the Republic.

Now, inasmuch as the right of decreeing taxes is an attribute of internal sovereignty, and the organization of property in the country is an attribute of territorial sovereignty, neither of the two questions can be made the basis of diplomatic representation, and less still of a formal and solemn protest such as that which your excellency makes in the name of and under instructions from your Government, as both of these things imply a real diplomatic intervention in the internal affairs of Mexico. The Mexican Government has not recognized and will not recognize that any country has the right to interfere in any form in its internal affairs nor even of protesting against acts exclusively within the exercise of its sovereignty.

The tax has been established by a general law which affects Mexicans and foreigners, and is applicable in any section of the country where a petroleum deposit may exist or may be discovered. Nevertheless, your excellency announces that the Government of the United States might be obliged to protect the interests of its citizens from the application of said law; and while the character of this protection is not stated, it undoubtedly tends to place foreigners in Mexico in a privileged position which, your excellency will understand, is contrary to every rule of right and wounds the dignity of the Mexican people.

The protection of national and foreign interests within the country is a duty and at the same time a faculty of the Mexican Government exclusively. By announcing protection by your excellency’s Government, if necessity arises, the idea is clearly revealed of obtaining undue preference in favor of American interests and citizens, this fact being made more evident still when it is considered that Mexican companies and proprietors have made no move to escape the tax, and that their recourse, in case they believe it to be excessive, is to appeal to the courts of the Republic demanding protection and amparo, and this is the only means which foreigners also should adopt.

The Mexican Government can not consent to any measure whatsoever which the American Government may purpose to put into practice to place its citizens in a more favored situation than that of Mexicans in their own country; and in so doing is sure of the unanimous support of public opinion and of the nation in enforcing respect for its sovereignty.

The criterion of the Mexican Government in this matter is not an innovation in international law, but the simple application of the principle of the equality of nations, frequently forgotten by strong governments in their relations with weak countries. It is, furthermore, a principle which the President desires to see implanted and respected in the diplomatic, mercantile, and all other relations which may be established between countries, and which he himself has proclaimed on repeated occasions, in the following terms:

No individual should aspire to a better situation than that of the citizens of the country to which he goes; legislation should be general and abstain from distinctions on account of nationality. Neither the power of nations nor their diplomacy should serve for the protection of particular interests or to exert pressure upon the governments of weak peoples with the end of obtaining modifications of laws which are disagreeable to the subjects of a powerful country.

[Page 769]

In fiscal matters, this amounts to a declaration of perfect equality of nationals and foreigners in the collection of taxes decreed by the public power of a country.

The protection which your excellency states the Government of the United States may find itself in the necessity of extending to its nationals, and which is ratified in the note of August 13, constitutes a threat which is in contrast with the pacific ideals of His Excellency President Wilson and does not concord with the reiterated manifestations of friendship and respect which he has proclaimed in regard to Mexico.

Whatever may be the intention of the American Government in this respect, the Mexican Government believes it necessary to state that it will not accept the interference of any foreign power in the arrangement of its internal affairs and that it will not admit any proceeding which under the pretext of protection to foreign interests wounds the national decorum or impairs the exercise of its sovereignty.

The issuance of the decree of February 19 is an act which of itself cannot form the basis of diplomatic representations. If your excellency’s Government does so it is because it believes the said decree deprives American citizens of acquired rights and that the seizure or spoliation of these rights by the mere will of the sovereign without due process of law, has always been held as a denial of justice and sufficient cause for diplomatic representations.

Your excellency states that this seizure or spoliation arises from the separation which our law makes between the surface and subsoil rights, which amounts to a denial of justice.

A denial of justice consists in that a judge refuses to impart justice when it is asked of him, or that any authority does not, either from negligence or a voluntary refusal, pronounce its decision. In general language a denial of justice is every refusal to accord to a person that which is his due.

The Mexican Government has no knowledge up to the present that either American citizens or any one else who believe themselves prejudiced by the decree, have resorted to ordinary legal methods or to the appropriate author ties for relief against the petroleum tax, since the discussions to which your excellency’s second note refers were of a private character.

The petroleum tax embraces all the requisites which science assigns to every impost, but if it be considered that its application is unjust or the amount excessive, our laws assure the means of defense and our tribunals are prompt to decide as to the application of said laws. There is an individual guaranty established in Article 22 of our political Constitution which prohibits the confiscation of property, and this is equally afforded by Article 17 of the same fundamental code, which provides that the courts shall be open for the administration of justice at such times and under such conditions as the law may determine. Nevertheless, the American interests which your excellency represents and defends have not resorted to the established legal remedies in order that the proper authority should decide with regard to the injuries and confiscations which they believe themselves to have suffered; and yet your excellency bases the diplomatic representation made in the name of your Government, on a “denial of justice,” which really has not taken place.

The seizure or spoliation of property by the mere will of the sovereign is exactly one of the things which our Constitution prohibits and condemns in Article 14. If such cases of spoliation or confiscation should be proven and our tribunals should deny judgment, or, having pronounced judgment favorable to the complainant, the Mexican Government should refuse to respect the judgment, then there would be a denial of justice and reason for diplomatic representations. In the case which gave rise to your excellency’s note, the courts have not yet intervened, and the expression “denial of justice,” which is used as a basis for the representation, must have been taken in a sense distinct from that commonly assigned to it in international law.

The American doctrine in this respect is conclusive. It defines and considers the tax as a necessary attribute of sovereignty and teaches that as long as the impost is uniform in its execution and can be considered as an impost and mot as a confiscation or arbitrary imposition, no representation may be made to a foreign government in aid of the foreigners who may be affected, inasmuch as the only safeguard against the abuse of the power of levying taxes is found in the structure of the Government itself, and reclamations or complaints on account of an excessive tax are properly questions within the competency of the local tribunals.

[Page 770]

As a matter of fact, the tribunals alone are capable of passing judgment upon the equality of distribution of the tax and the other requisites, and it is not just that the very foreigners who are affected should judge and decide such questions. Otherwise, it would be sufficient, in order to escape from a legitimately decreed impost, to allege the pretext that it is confiscatory. Furthermore, it is customary in all countries that diplomatic action should be the last to be exercised and that only after ordinary means have been exhausted.

Your excellency affirms that investments of American citizens have been effected under the guaranty of the good faith of the Mexican Government, which virtually has invited them to make such investments; and that it cannot believe that now this Government will disregard its obligations, now that the country finds itself at peace and at a stage of progress.

Your excellency has interpreted faithfully in this part of your note the disposition of the Mexican Government with respect to foreign investments, since its conduct and intentions have been and will be in the future, the conciliation of foreign interests with the progress of the Republic and its legitimate rights, by means of a perfect equality before the law of Mexicans and foreigners.

Assuredly American interests are worthy of every protection and the Mexican Government recognizes that they may contribute to the industrial development of the Republic, particularly in the petroleum industry, and in precisely this spirit has the decree of February 19 been issued (aside from the fundamental question which consists in putting into practice the dominion of the nation over the subsoil) because, respecting the existing situation, it impedes and prevents speculations in petroleum lands prejudicial to the operators and to the interests of the country.

With reference to the request which, on instructions from your Government, your excellency makes in the second note, to the effect that the petroleum decrees referred to be not made effective on August 15, the matter need not be specially considered, inasmuch as the time for making and the form of manifestations provided for by the said decrees had been modified previously to its presentation.

The Mexican Government desires to live in peace and friendship with all nations and in good harmony with your excellency’s Government. In order to accomplish this, it will endeavor to respect the dignity and the interests of foreigners and has no idea of passing legislation designed to molest a friendly country or its citizens. These may, with all confidence, continue to rely upon the laws and institutions of the Republic.

The Mexican Government hopes it has dissipated with these explanations all ground for misunderstanding between two friendly peoples and all apprehension or fear on account of American interests invested in Mexico; and relying upon the profound knowledge which your excellency personally has of existing conditions, is certain your excellency will make plain to the Department of State the true object of the fiscal dispositions which brought forth your note, and the Mexican Government’s reason for maintaining the perfect equality of nationals and foreigners before the law.

I renew [etc.]

By reason of illness of the Secretary.

The Undersecretary:
E. Garza Pérez
[Enclosure 2]

The British Chargé ( Thurstan) to the Mexican Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ( Aguilar)

No. 50

Monsieur le Ministre: I have the honour to remind your excellency that on April 30 last Mr. H. A. C. Cummins, who was at that time in charge of His Majesty’s Legation during my absence, acting under instructions from His Majesty’s Government, delivered a note to you, No. 34, protesting against the enforcement of the provisions of the decree of February 19 last, which imposed certain taxation on petroleum-yielding lands and petroleum contracts.

The attention of His Majesty’s Government has been drawn to the fact that the decree of February 19 has now apparently been abrogated and has been replaced by a decree dated July 31 last, while other decrees bearing on the [Page 771] taxation of petroleum have since been published. My Government have not yet been able to examine the text of the decree of July 31 and of the other decrees mentioned but from the information as to their contents which is at present at their disposal it would seem to them that the provisions of the new legislation which has been substituted for the decree of February 19 would, if put into effect, equally impose a crushing burden on the oil industry in Mexico and in consequence be equally prejudicial to the interests of British subjects who have invested their money in the oil industry of this Republic. Consequently my Government, pending at least a close examination of the text of the new decrees to which I have had the honour to refer above, cannot avoid entertaining the most serious fears as to the effect which the new legislation would have on the interests of British subjects and I am accordingly instructed once more to enter a protest in the terms employed by Mr. H. A. C. Cummins in his note No. 34 of the 30th of April last, addressed to your excellency.

I avail [etc.]

E. W. P. Thurstan
  1. Not printed.