Office of the Historian

No. 23.
Mr. Baker to Mr. Hunter.

Consulate of the United States,
Buenos Ayres, July 15, 1880. (Received August 28.)
No. 381.]

Sir: Since my dispatch No. 378, of the date of the 6th instant, announcing the end of the rebellion, there has been a steady progress towards the establishment of a better public feeling. The national government, however, seems determined to accept no half-way surrender, but to fix the settlement upon a basis which will prevent future complications on the part of the province of Buenos Ayres. To this end martial law (estado de sitio) throughout the province has been declared until the 30th of October, a period subsequent to that on which the Presidentelect is to be inaugurated.

The new governor of the province appears to be laboring in good faith in the interests of conciliation, and his movements are in accord with the views of the national government. But much surprise has been expressed by the public press of this city on discovering that, after all, no conditions were conceded to the revolutionists upon laying down their arms, except that they would not be prosecuted in the criminal courts or by court-martial for their treason. The names of all officers, however, in the civil or military service, who took part in the rebellion, have by the President’s decree been dropped from the rolls. The present political situation can be better judged from the message of the President to the national senate in response to its interpellation, a copy of which I inclose as it appears translated in the Buenos Ayres Standard.

The great stumbling-block in the way of a return to a normal condition of affairs is the anomalous attitude of the national Congress. Upon the commencement of hostilities, in response to the decree of the President, the senate and a minority of the chambers (the majority acting in the interests of the rebellion) retired to Belgrano to hold their [Page 30] sessions. The majority continued to meet in this city. Thereupon the minority voted that all such members were aiding and abetting the resistance to the general government, and, declaring that by their action they had abandoned their seats, they have now proceeded to call new elections to fill the vacancies. Against this the majority have issued a public protest, and propose, as I understand, to test the matter in the courts. But as each housed is judge of the elections of its own members, I presume they can make no case there. Until, however, there shall be a quorum in the chambers, the Congress is powerless to accomplish any legislation which the political situation requires. Among other pending schemes, is one to permanently remove the national capital from Buenos Ayres or to federalize that city, i. e., place it under the exclusive control of the general government as Washington City is. This move has created considerable public feeling among the people of Buenos Ayres.

As a consequence of the disturbed condition of the country, there is yet no revival of business, and probably there will be none until there is greater confidence in the peace settlement. There is no doubt, however, that the national government is master of the situation.

I have, &c.,

E. L. BAKER, Consul.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 381.]

From the Buenos Ayres Standard.

the interpellation.

The following questions were last week put to the national Executive, and the answers to these questions we now give a most important state paper:

1.
What are the bases of the arrangement for the surrender of Buenos Ayres, and whether the Executive considers them satisfactory to the dignity and laws of the nation?
2.
If the ignoring of the act of the chamber of deputies, declaring the absent members unseated, is part of the arrangement; and if this resolve has been communicated to the governors of provinces, in order to fill up the national representation in Congress?
3.
If it is part of the arrangement that the rebellious authorities of the province of Buenos Ayres remain in power, and in what light the Executive regards that legislature and its present composition?
4.
What steps have been taken for the judicial suppression of the crime of rebellion?
5.
Why have the prisoners captured been released, and is it intended to let them go unpunished?
6.
What is the position of the superior officers who have tired on the national flag, and ave they been arraigned before a court-martial?
7.
If the rebels will hand over their arms to the national government, and whether the disarming of the army is a part of the arrangement?
8.
What guarantee has the Executive for the preservation of peace in the future, so that war may not break out again, and necessitate fresh sacrifices?
9.
How long does the Executive intend to remain in Belgrano with the national authorities if
10.
Should the national authorities return to Buenos Ayres, what security will they have, what jurisdiction will they exercise there, and what will be the bases of the relations between the national and provincial authorities, until a definite law, establishing the capital of the republic, be passed?

answer of the national government.

Belgrano, July 10, 1880.

To the honorable Senate of the Nation:

The Executive hastens to answer the questions put, awaiting further opportunities to dwell further on them.

Answer to the first question. There is nothing reserved. No other notes have been [Page 31] exchanged except that of the new governor, and the short one of the minister of the interior. The submission to the government is absolute and complete within the limits of the constitution.

The attributes of the President of the republic have been entirely recognized, subject to no private or public arrangement.

The President of the republic has announced, through the minister of the interior, that he will not arouse any political or military trials, in order to stop animosities and secure peace. When making these declarations, the President used a faculty conferred on him by the constitution, exclusive of the privileges he enjoys as commander-in-chief of the war operations, and of the circumstances tending to their termination.

It is inopportune here to answer the seventh question.

The commanders and officers who did not obey the summons of the government, and those who served in the rebellion, have been struck off the army roll.

The same happens to the employés of the government who have lost their positions through a deliberate and spontaneous decision of their own. Strictly speaking, no dismissals have been made. When the government officers were removed to Belgrano, all the employes were summoned to occupy their respective posts. Each chief of department personally notified them of this resolution. A subsequent decree accorded to them a further term to present themselves, after the expiration of which they were considered to have abandoned their posts.

As regards the second question, the answer is simple. Whatever concerns the internal arrangement of Congress is not within the jurisdiction of the Executive; therefore nothing could be decided upon in this matter.

The third question finds its answer in the recent events. The Executive has recognized as governor of the province of Buenos Ayres the president of the senate, which signifies the recognition of this body and of the legislature.

The fourth question is already answered; the fifth and sixth ditto. The President of the republic has liberated the prisoners, according to his faculties as commander-in-chief of the armies of the republic. This has been done without conditions, and not conditioned on the disarming of the rebel forces, taking on himself all the responsibility of the act.

The eighth and ninth questions are quickly answered.

The arms of the rebel forces shall be deposited in the arsenal of the nation, comprising, naturally, those which were violently landed on the 2d of June ultimo.

The joint disarmament of the national army could not be stipulated, as its formation and numbers depend on the laws of Congress.

As regards the national guard mobilized, it will remain in arms as long as deemed necessary by the Executive, or until a law of Congress dissolves it.

In reference to the tenth question, the executive power declares emphatically that there is no truce, but peace. The republic has not been convulsed to its very confines, nor has the noble blood of its sons flowed in vain; it has been spilt to guarantee its prosperity and existence from future commotions. It would be a crime to render these great efforts barren of the essential condition of our existence—peace for the province of Buenos Ayres and for all.

The Executive trusts to the honor and patriotism of the governor of Buenos Ayres, and thinks that he will soon give a definite policy to his government, basing it on pacific and sound elements, and especially in the sentiment of peace, which is the aspiration of all and a supreme necessity.

Up to the present the internal situation of the province has changed but slightly, and the public peace remains in the same hands which opposed the government of the nation.

The Executive wishes the province of Buenos Ayres to return to its former normal condition, and will make every effort towards this result, hoping that prudent and peaceful measures will open the road to facilitate action.

The eleventh question refers to a determination which entirely depends upon the turn of events. It is difficult to fix the day of the return of the government to Buenos Ayres, since up to this moment no communication has been received as to the disarming of the forces. The trenches are not even yet leveled.

The twelfth occasion depends on the deliberation of Congress.

The Executive might have refused to answer several of the questions put to it, but it prefers that on this occasion its conduct may be known by all.

God preserve your honors.

  • N. AVELLANEDA.
  • B. ZORRILLA.