No. 5.
Mr. Osborn
to Mr. Fish.
United
States Legation,
Buenos
Ayres, October 5, 1874. (Received Nov.
23.)
No. 24.]
Sir: The events of the revolution now going on in
this government remain in an undecided condition. Both sides are active in
organizing their armies for the struggle.
The government is satisfied that Generals Rivas and Arredondo have gone over
with their divisions to the revolutionists. It is reported that other
officers of the army will serve the government during the term of President
Sarmiento’s administration, and then declare for the other side. It is
claimed by the revolutionists that two-thirds of the army and of this
province (Buenos Ay res) are for General Mitre and the revolution. And while
there will be no outbreak or demonstration against the legal government of
President Sarmiento, yet Señor Avellaneda will not be permitted to take his
seat as President on the 12th instant.
It is a political fight between political parties, and while the government
is pressing into the service, irrespective of party, any one who is liable
to do military duty, and has gathered about twenty thousand national guards
in this province, yet 1 think it would be quite difficult to tell for whom a
great portion of them would light when brought to battle 5 hence it seems to
me that the greatest difficulty, in the way of success for the government,
is in not knowing whom to trust.
In a short unofficial interview with President Sarmiento last Friday, he said
to me, “In this matter we are following the example of your Government in
her late struggle for life, and we know we cannot go wrong. This government
has the power to put down this rebellion, and she will put it down; at least
I will do my full duty as President so long as I remain in the presidential
chair.”
An order was issued this morning by the chief of police, placing under arrest
all ministers, and confining them to their houses, but I understand the
order will be removed by the government.
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The Uruguay, the gunboat seized by the revolutionists, damaged, and then
abandoned by them, has been put in fighting trim by the government, and is
now out in the Rio de la Plata looking for the Parana.
I have just learned from very good authority that General Mitre is with
General Rivas at the head of the southern army, (of rebels,) and will issue
his manifesto on the 12th instant.
I have the honor to inclose a printed copy of the manifesto of Congress in
reply to the President’s message; also a copy of the report of Major
Ramirez, a captain of one of the gunboats seized.
I have, &c.,
[Inclosure 1 in No. 24.]
manifesto of congress.
[From the Standard of October 4,
1874.—Translation.]
The reply of the chamber of deputies to President Sarmiento’s message is
as follows:
“Before closing the session we think it necessary to allude to the
present situation of the country. An attempt of the most iniquitous and
disloyal kind has interrupted the march of progress, suddenly forcing us
to take up arms in defense of public order.
“The republic was in the full enjoyment of liberty, public attention
being devoted to railways, immigration, commerce, and foreign loans for
the development of our resources, which were beginning to attract the
notice of mankind.
“Our armaments by land and sea were being placed on a footing to make us
respected, uniting the arts of peace with the rank and dignity becoming
a rising country. The welfare of all parties was increasing, trade
springing up around us, new colonies raising their heads in the desert,
European habits taking root everywhere, and tending to the general
advancement. In the midst of such prosperity our institutions were
assuming that character of solidity peculiar to well-established
countries. Natives and foreigners were alike laboring for the public
aggrandizement in a spirit of mutual good-will. The habeas corpus protected each man’s liberty; there was the
fullest freedom of industry; and a well-regulated democracy was the
ground-work of our judicial and administrative system.
“Suddenly a wicked movement has thrown into confusion all the harmonious
elements of our organization. Of past civil wars we had extinguished
every vestige except a circle of malcontents whose personal interests
were opposed to the reign of law and order. These men took up arms even
during the elections, and forced us to the alternative of submission or
civil war. Theory was ‘Our party or civil war!’ and so they have
acted.
“The immense development of our national credit has only served in the
present instance to make more public the responsibility of the parties
in question. We cannot say, like the sacred orator, ‘Shut the doors of
the temple, that strangers may not know our calamities.’ Our doors are
open to the world; our prosperity and future are before the gaze of all,
and we can hide nothing even if we wished.
“Congress is profoundly affected, and is the first to condemn the crime;
we trust that every upright and laborious man will aid the authorities
to restore order. We feel, moreover, convinced that the constitution
will triumph over those men who began by a military revolt and the
murder of General Ivanowski. These crimes not only arouse the
indignation of patriotic citizens, but, in a special manner, offend the
officers and soldiers who remain true to the government, in the
honorable and glorious service of the republic.
“Congress does not pretend to dictate to the national government the
means for effectually suppressing and punishing the revolt, but we
hereby share with the executive all responsibility in carrying out the
laws bearing on a case like the present, as regards repression and
punishment.
“Mr. President, it is necessary the whole country should know that
whatever depredations, crimes, and acts of violence may be committed by
the rebels, their agents or accomplices, must be indemnified by the
offenders, not out of the public treasury, but from the fortunes and
estates of the parties implicated in so iniquitous a revolt. This is the
law, in its letter and spirit, and the authorities must be inexorable in
carrying it out.
“The evil done cannot be undone, but at least let the vengeance of the
law protect us from another attempt of this kind to put in jeopardy our
progress and institutions.
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“Congress thinks it necessary to convey to Your Excellency the present
manifesto as a testimony to the public of our confidence in the triumph
of the law. And we hereby declare that we are willing, if the executive
so desire, to continue in session and cooperate by every means that the
legislature can be of any assistance to government.
“We have, therefore, sanctioned the annexed law to raise funds for the
present circumstances:
“The national government is hereby authorized to spend 20,000,000 hard
dollars in putting down the revolution.’”
Note.—This law was altered by the senate,
allowing the government to dispose of any amount necessary without
fixing any sum.
[Inclosure 2 in No. 24.]
seizure of the gunboats—official report of major
ramirez.
[From the Standard, October 4,
1874.—Translation.]
To his excellency the Minister of
War:
I take this occasion to inform your excellency of my violent arrest by
Col. Erasmus Obligado on the night of the 23d ultimo, and the events
which followed.
On the evening of the 23d I was at the end of the passenger-mole, about
to go on board the vessel of which I was in command, when I met Colonel
Obligado just coming ashore, and as he was to sail next day for Bahia
Blanca he begged me to accompany him to the play at the Victoria
Theater, and that afterwards I would go with him aboard the Uruguay to
give him some explanations about the port of Bahia Blanca, as he had
never been there before, and needed some information. I readily acceded
to his request, as a brother officer, and after the play we went
together to the passenger-mole, where Colonel Obligado’s boat was
waiting for him.
Having pulled alongside the Uruguay, Colonel Obligado asked me to go up
first, and the moment I set foot on the deck a man with his face covered
said to me, “You’re my prisoner, Mr. Commandante,” at the same time
putting a pistol to my breast, and twenty men with Remington rifles
pointing at me from the bulwarks, and ordering me not to say a word.
I was so stupefied that I could not stir nor speak, whereupon Alberto
Legui (the same who had arrested me) and Major Correa took me by either
arm down to Colonel Obligado’s cabin and put two sentinels over me, with
directions to shoot me if I made the least movement.
There I was kept in prison till next day, when they abandoned the
Uruguay, as she was aground, and removed me under eight or ten armed men
to the other gunboat, the Parana, here they put me under lock and key,
with two sentries outside the door, and orders not to let me even open
the skylight, lest I should observe their movements or the course they
were steering.
In this manner I was detained close prisoner till Sunday afternoon, (27th
September,) at 3.30 p.m., when Major Correa opened the door and told me
I might go ashore at Colonia, as General Gelly was there waiting for
me.
Landing at Colonia wharf, I met General Gelly, who received me very
kindly, and took me to his hotel. There for the first time I met my
loyal subalterns who had been put ashore on San Gabriel Island (in front
of Colonia) without money, clothing, or food. I had not expected that
Colonel Obligado would have treated so badly the officers of the
Parana.
On Monday (28th) the English steamer Silex called at Colonia, and I had
everything arranged to proceed in her to Montevideo. Fearing some fresh
outrage from Colonel Obligado, I went to the British consulate to ask if
the British flag of the Silex would protect me.
The English consul was not at his house, but I met there Don German
Elizalde, who asked me my business, and when I told him, he led me into
an adjoining room, where General Mitre was still in bed. The general
praised my conduct as a soldier, and spoke to me most friendly, offering
to do me any service in his power. I told him I was in want of nothing.
In fact, the Argentine vice-consul on hearing of my arrival, had put
himself at my orders, and lent me $40 to pay our passage tickets to
Montevideo.
At 4.30 p.m. we arrived at Montevideo, where I at once presented myself
to the Argentine consul-general, and informed him of all that occurred
on board the gunboats Uruguay and Parana.
On Wednesday, 30th, I embarked in the Galileo and returned to Buenos
Ayres, being accompanied by my lieutenant, D. Valentin Felberg, my
sublieutenants José Monteros
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and
Juan Ostaño, and the cadet Basualdo. The doctor of nay ship was detained
prisoner on board the Parana.
From the moment of my arrest I never afterwards saw Colonel Obligado,
except when they were removing me from the Uruguay to the Parana, but
although he saw me he did not speak to me. Besides the officers who
guarded me the only one that spoke to me was Major Correa, who told me
the reason of my arrest was, that they wanted to seize the gunboat
Parana, as she was indispensable for them, in order to keep the command
of the rivers for the revolutionary party. He added that they had not
intended to make the revolution so soon, but were precipitated to it by
government ordering the Uruguay to Bahia Blanca.
My second in command, Capt. Frederic Sprun, had been party to the
movement, embarking men secretly in the Uruguay by boats prepared by the
Ayndantes Cueli and Rodriguez of the Capatania del Puerto. They had also
placed their sentries along the mole to guard against any surprise, with
instructions to seize me if I showed any signs of suspicion by trying to
embark without them. They had made all these arrangements while I was
with Colonel Obligado at the theater.
When they had me prisoner aboard they proceeded to seize my ship, the
gunboat Parana, bringing the Uruguay alongside to board her. No
opposition could be made, as my second in command, Captain Sprun, gave
orders and was obeyed on my ship.
The above is a simple recital of events as far as in my knowledge, but
further particulars may be learned from the declarations of my officers.
Although the principal occurrences are already of public notoriety, as
regards the seizure of the two gunboats, I have to beg that your
excellency will order a sumario to be drawn up,
so as to acquit me of anv shadow of suspicion in the matter.
