If in the first case he has gone counter to the strong feeling existing
in France in regard to the extension of the power of Prussia, he has
unquestionably, as strongly conformed to the public opinion of the
empire in the two other cases. And in all three the ground he has taken
indicates an unshaken determination to maintain the peace of Europe at
all hazards, and to devote his energies, with increasing zeal, to the
internal development of the resources of France and the improvement of
the condition of the people.
These, at all events, are the manifestations of purpose which the speech
affords, and I am not disposed to question their sincerity. If
faithfully carried out they will go far to efface the undeniably bad
impression created by the recent intervention in the affairs of Italy,
an act to be considered, perhaps, not so much an original error as an
unavoidable sequence of errors in the past.
Speech of the Emperor at the opening of the
Legislative Chambers.
[Translation.]
Messieurs les Sénateurs, Messieurs les
Députés: The necessity of resuming the examination, which
had been interrupted, of various important bills, has obliged me to
call you together earlier than is customary. And, in addition,
recent events have made me desirous of obtaining the aid of your
experience and co-operation.
Since you last separated, vague disquietudes have arisen and affected
the public mind in Europe, restricting everywhere the industrial
movement and commercial transactions. In spite of the declarations
of my government, which has never varied in its pacific attitude,
the assertion was propagated that every modification in the internal
organization of Germany should of necessity prove a cause of
conflict. That state of uncertainty cannot last any longer; the
changes effected on the other side of the Rhine must be accepted
frankly, and the declaration must be loudly made that, as long as
our interests and our dignity shall not be menaced, we will not
interfere in the transformations produced by the will of the
populations. [Loud applause.]
The uneasiness which has been manifested can with difficulty be
explained at a period when France has presented to the world the
most imposing spectacle of conciliation and of peace. [Continued
cheering.]
The Universal Exhibition, at which nearly all the sovereigns of
Europe agreed to assemble, and where the representatives of the
industrial classes of all nations came together, has drawn closer
the ties of brotherhood between nations. It has now disappeared; but
its impress will profoundly mark our epoch, since, if, after having
risen majestically, the Exhibition has shone forth with only a
temporary lustre, it has forever destroyed a past, full of
prejudices and errors. Hindrances to labor and to intelligence,
barriers between different nations and between various classe,
international antipathies—that is what it has cast behind it.
[Cheers]
These incontestable pledges of concord cannot relieve us from the
duty of improving the military institutions of France. Upon
governments lies the imperious obligation to follow, independently
of circumstances, the progress of all the elements which constitute
the strength of the country, and for us the necessity presents
itself of perfecting our military organization, as also our arms and
our navy.
The bill presented to the legislative body divided among all citizens
the weight of recruitment. That system appeared too absolute, and
certain arrangements were made to attenuate its action. I then
considered it my duty to subject this important question to fresh
con sideration. In fact, this difficult problem, which affects such
considerable and often such opposite interests, cannot be studied
too profoundly.
My government will propose to you some new provisions, which are only
simple modificalions
[Page 286]
of
the law of 1832, but which attain the object I have always
pursued—namely, to reduce the service during
peace and augment it in time of war.
You will examine them, as well as the organization of the National
Guard Mobile, under the impression of this patriotic persuasion,
that the stronger we shall be, the more will peace be assured.
That peace, which we all wish to preserve, seemed for an instant in
danger. Revolutionary agitations, openly prepared, menaced the
Pontifical States. The convention of the 15th September not being
executed, I had again to send troops to Rome, and had to protect
the’ power of the Holy See by repulsing the invaders.
[Applause.]
Our conduct could not be in any way hostile to the unity and
independence of Italy; and that nation, for a moment surprised, soon
saw the dangers in which those revolutionary manifestations were
involving the principle of monarchy and European order. Calm is, at
present, almost entirely restored in the states of the Pope, and we
may count on the return of our troops at a not distant date. For us
the convention of the 15th September exists until it shall have been
replaced by a new international act. The relations of Italy with the
Holy See interest ali Europe, and we have proposed to the powers to
settle that intercourse in a conference, and thus avoid fresh
complications.
Some anxiety has been caused by the Eastern question, which, however,
the conciliatory spirit of the Powers has deprived of all character
of irritation. If there exist any divergencies between them as to
the means of bringing about the pacification of Crete, I am happy to
testify that they are all in accord on two principal points—the
maintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and the
amelioration of the position of the Christians.
Foreign politics, therefore, permit us to devote all our attention to
internal improvements. Since your last session, universal suffrage
has been called on to choose one-third of the members of the
councils-general. Those elections, effected with calm and
independence, have everywhere demonstrated the good spirit of the
populations. The journey which I made with the Empress in the north
of France was the occasion of manifestations of sympathy with which
I was deeply affected; and I could once more convince myself that
nothing has shaken the confidence which the nation has placed in me,
and the attachment which it bears to my dynasty. [Applause.]
On my side, I endeavor constantly to meet its wishes. The completion
of the vicinal roads was called for by the agricultural classes, of
whom you are the enlightened representatives. To satisfy that want,
was for us an act of justice—I will say, almost of gratitude, and an
extensive inquiry is preparing a solution of the question. For you
it will be easy, in concert with my government, to insure the
success of this great measure. The present situation is doubtless
not exempt from certain embarrassments. The activity of manufactures
and commerce has relaxed, and that state of difficulty is general
throughout Europe. It arises in a great measure from apprehensions
which the good understanding that prevails among the powers will
soon put an end to. The harvest has not been a good one, and
dear-ness of food was inevitable; but freedom of trade can alone
secure supplies and bring prices to a level.
If these various causes prevent the receipts from completely reaching
the estimates of the budget, the previsions of the financial laws
will not be modified, and we can look forward to the not remote
period at which alleviations of taxation may be taken into
consideration.
This session will be principally employed in the examination of the
bills the initiative of which I took in January last. The time since
elapsed has in no way changed my convictions as to the utility of
those reforms. Without doubt, the exercise of these new liberties
exposes public opinion to excitement and dangerous temptations; but
I reckon alike on the good sense of the country, the progress of
public habits, the firmness of repression, and the energy and
authority of the government to render them powerless.
[Applause.]
Let us then pursue the work which we have undertaken together. During
the last 15 years our object has been the same: to maintain above
controversy and hostile passions our fundamental laws which popular
suffrage has sanctioned, but at the same time to develop our liberal
institutions without weakening the principle of authority.
Let us not cease to promote well-being by the prompt completion of
our lines of communication, to increase the means of instruction, to
render the access of justice less costly by the simplification of
procedure, and to adopt all the measures which may improve the
condition of the majority. [Cheers.]
If, like me, you remain convinced that this path is one of real
progress and civilization, let us continue to go forward in that
harmony of views and sentiments which is a precious guarantee of the
public welfare.
You will adopt, I hope, the bills which shall be submitted to you, as
they will contribute to the grandeur and wealth of the country; and,
on my part, be assured, I will maintain aloft and with a firm hand
the power which has been confided to me, for obstacles or unjust
opposition will not shake either my courage or my faith in the
future. [Tremendous cheering.]
