Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, Part III
Señor Romero to Mr. Seward
Mr. Secretary: I have the honor to transmit to you, for the information of the government of the United States, some extracts from a pamphlet entitled [Page 118] “The Foreign Question,” which was published on the 31st of December last, in the town of Paso del Norte, the present seat of the national government of Mexico.
It contains a short and correct account of political occurrences in the Mexican republic during the months of October, November, and December, 1865.
I am pleased with this opportunity to renew to you, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of my most distinguished consideration.
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.
The foreign question.
“New changes brought about by the removal of the national government to Chihuahua, and its subsequent return to this city, have disturbed the regular order of our reviews, and compel us to condense the events of the last three months, ending this day, into one single article. * * * * * * * *
We will begin with a notice of the imprisonments by the empire in August last, on account of a suspected conspiracy in the capital, garrisoned by a considerable French force. The persons arrested were liberals residing in the city, who were soon released without an explanation of the arbitrary acts committed against them. If there had been the slightest proof of conspiracy, the captives would have been executed immediately, as clemency is not one of the virtues of the present ruler of Mexico. Supposing it only a scare, we cannot conceive why the invaders were so frightened, or why persons were arrested, unless it were a causeless act of tyranny so common to our present civilizers. It seems the order was issued by Marshal Bazaine, without the assent of Maximilian, who was on a visit to the mines of Pachuca at the time—for he always leaves the capital for a short time whenever he has a disagreement with the French general; and the visit like to have cost him very dearly, for he was near being caught by a guerilla band, and had to retreat to the city in the greatest haste. Now, as we are on the subject of despotism, we will give the case of Manuel Lozano, of Aguas Calientes, who was assassinated upon the report of a bandit, who swore he was in league with the republicans. There was no evidence to condemn the unfortunate man, but he was murdered in cold blood by the officers of the intervention. This horrid crime remained unrevenged, though it was denounced by the newspapers of the imperial capital, and chastisement of the guilty was demanded.
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Besides a speech, Maximilian celebrated the anniversary of national independence by a decree, declaring the grandsons of Iturbide, children of his son Angel and a North American woman, princes of the empire. It was also said he intended to make them his successors, but he did not do it. We can’t imagine why he skipped the living children of the unfortunate hero of Iguala, and passed to the grandchildren, when the former had the greatest right to titles. This fact is very insignificant in itself. The usurper may make as many princes, dukes, counts, and marquises as he pleases, as all these high-sounding titles will only serve for ridicule, as he will never be able to establish a real aristocracy for his imperial farce. * * * * * * * *
General Porfirio Diaz managed to escape from his prison, in Puebla, on the 22d of September. The event gave great alarm to the imperialists, as they knew the harm he could do them if he could raise another army for the republican cause. We will see how he served his country as soon as he was at liberty. He went immediately into the State of Guerrero, put himself at the head of a republican force, and attacked a band of traitors, which was completely routed, with considerable loss. After this, he consulted with General Alvarez about a new campaign in Guerrero and Oaxaca, which was subsequently carried out. Events will soon realize the hopes entertained of the patriotism of General Diaz.
A proclamation and a decree were issued in October, in the capital of the Mexican empire, destined to occupy a prominent place in the history of the intervention struggle. The proclamation of the usurper says that the cause defended with so much valor and constancy by Benito Juarez has lost all political character, because the ex-President of the republic has quit the national territory, and his robber bands must be treated with the greatest severity.
This assertion was preceded by a note from General Brincourt, stating it as a fact that President Juarez had actually left the Mexican territory, and without waiting to investigate the case, Maximilian proclaimed it as true, and made it the foundation of his tyrannical decrees. Logically speaking, when the falsehood of Brincourt’s assertion was ascertained, the cause for the decree was removed, and it fell to the ground. But logic is sacrificed in this case, and Maximilian is held up to ridicule.
So much importance was given to the supposed desertion of the republic by President Juarez, that the imperial organs gave it over as the end of the contest. As soon as Brincourt’s [Page 119] occupation of Chihuahua was known in the capital, Marshal Bazaine hastened to telegraph the news to Vera Cruz, where a vessel was prepared to convey it without delay to Napoleon, as if it were a decided fact. They did not consider that it was only the abandonment of a single city, whose possession by the French would be of very little importance; but, in accordance with their system of exaggeration, a second-rate affair was made a first-rate success, and to give it greater interest, they told of the capture of some pieces of artillery, not taken in battle, but left for want of transportation, after having been spiked. In the same strain they called the orderly retreat of the republican government a hasty flight, and concluded by saying the President had left the country, and thus the troubles were over.
This is a case of very great importance, and the mistake was serious, even allowing the allegations to have been true. However injurious the exit of the supreme magistrate to the national cause, it could not be ruinous; were he even to die, though the nation would miss him much, the national cause would not be irretrievably injured, because it was formed to outlive the most eminent men who die in its defence. The argument, therefore, employed by the usurper in his celebrated proclamation, taken in the most favorable sense, amounts to an absurdity.
If its reasoning can thus be so easily refuted, the decree is still subject to greater blame for its infraction of every principle of humanity; and the interventionists have reached the highest grade of eternal infamy in adopting its principles. As early as the 20th of June, 1863, General Forey created the execrable French courts-martial, whose records are now saturated with the nation’s blood. After Maximilian’s return from his journey into the country, he issued a circular ordering all captured guerrilleros to be hanged, and not satisfied with the many sanguinary executions already consummated, he perfected his infernal work by issuing the decree of the 3d of October, and in this his ministers have become his accomplices, for their signatures are appended to the document, ordering the most horrid crime against humanity, a crime that Draco himself would not have dared to sanction. Its articles are marked with the seal of genuine ferocity; every one belonging to an armed force of any number, kind, order, or organization, character or denomination, shall be condemned to death by a court-martial, and executed within twenty-four hours, without appeal or recourse of any kind; and every one who shall aid or abet the republicans in any manner whatever, give them notice or warning, furnish them with any munitions of war, have any intercourse with them, or conceal them, or propagate false or alarming rumors or reports, shall be subject to the penalties of imprisonment, banishment, or fine, according to the gravity of the offence. All owners or managers of plantations are required to notify the imperial authorities of the enemies’ movements, under the penalty of a heavy fine in case of neglect to do so. This order is extended to town authorities; and all male citizens between eighteen and fifty-five who do not take up arms in defence of the empire are subject to similar penalties. All the other dispositions of the said decree are of the same tenor, thus placing the whole community in a state of siege, declaring ail criminals who are not zealous partisans of the new order of things.
To show the determination to enforce this decree with the greatest possible rigor, I will cite a recent occurrence of the greatest importance. On the 13th of October a division, commanded by Jose“ Maria Arteaga, was defeated at Santa Ana Amatlan, and he was taken prisoner, with General Carlos Salazar and several other chiefs and officers. Don Ramon Mendez, the imperial conqueror, who was made brigadier general for that feat, did not dare to enforce the precepts of the sanguinary law upon his distinguished prisoners, and sent to Mexico to know what was to be done with them. He was answered by the usurper’s minister of war, as well as by Marshal Bazaine, that the decree should be strictly enforced. So Generals Arteaga and Salazar, Colonels Diaz Paracho and Villa Gomez, Padre Mina, and we know not how many more, were shot in Uruapam according to supreme orders. We presume these atrocious assassinations have been continued, as we have recently heard of the petition of the ladies of Pazcuaro to spare the lives of one hundred and fifty prisoners. Everything has conspired to render this barbarous act most conspicuous in its hideous deformity. Mendez’s prisoners belonged to no guerilla band; they were not obscure individuals; they had been guilty of no misdemeanors, and were blameless in their conduct; but they belonged to the regular army, organized in due form; they occupied high positions in military rank; one was commanding general of the division; all were known as gentlemen; their officers had been lenient with French, Austrian, and Belgian prisoners; and even the Express newspaper, on hearing of Arteaga’s capture, pronounced a merited eulogy on his conduct. But all that did not save them from the gallows; they were led out and shot like malefactors.
Acts of this kind—an eternal stigma of infamy upon their authors—far from doing honor to their cause, will ruin it and cover it with disgrace. These extreme measures prove the desperation of their cause, and it certainly cannot succeed by these means. The wanton shedding of blood, even in wars, in all ages and in every part of the world, has only served for the destruction of the sanguinary cause. The execution of those meritorious patriots in Uruapam will serve as a stimulus to the nation to arouse itself against its butchers and avenge the memory of its worthy children.
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Soon after the promulgation of the decree to which we have alluded, there was a misunderstanding [Page 120] among the ministers who had signed it. Fernando Ramirez was transferred from the department of foreign relations to the department of state, and Velazquez de Leon, its incumbent, was left without a portfolio. Martin del Castillo was put into Ramirez’s place, to the great surprise of everybody, as he was only under-secretary of the treasury and manager of the imperial household. Manuel Siliceo was dismissed from the department of public instruction and worship, and Francisco Artigas, a young lawyer of no note, was put in his place.
The mystery of these changes remains unrevealed. Why did Ramirez leave his position and not quit the cabinet? Why was Siliceo dismissed from the cabinet when he had just deeply compromised himself by signing the sanguinary decree of the 3d of October? If this ministerial modification means a change of policy, it is very hard to comprehend it. The truth is, Maximilian must be much in want of capable men for his cabinet, when he has to fill it with persons unknown, or entirely disqualified for such distinguished positions.
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Interested persons have represented Maximilian as a great reformer on account of the enactment of some organic laws promulgated last November. Those I have seen are very far from deserving praise. One relates to the departments, and the duties of their heads, but it is common. Another concerns the modification of a former decree, fixing the order of precedence among the imperial dignitaries, and it is simply ridiculous. The organization of the judiciary department is merely a copy of the law signed by Teodosio Lares at the time Santa Anna entitled himself serene highness, and inaugurated the absurd system of a monarchical farce in Mexico. If there are other laws worthy of eulogy in any way we have not heard of them; and even if they do exist they are not national, because they do not proceed from the proper authority.
But the most important part of the administrative functions is the direction of the treasury department. This has been organized by Francisco P. de Cesar, the present under-secretary. According to his report, the sum and substance of his efforts, in a financial way, consist in doubling the present taxation. It certainly requires no fiscal genius to do this. If this system can be carried out, the directors of the Mexican imperial treasury may boast of having solved all pecuniary difficulties. If doubling the rates of taxation will not do, they can triple or quadruple them, going on in geometrical progression until there be no deficit in government expenses.
The calculation of this estimate is very easy on paper; but in practice, we judge there will be inseparable difficulties. War is a great obstacle to the collection of taxes at present; but when all private fortunes are exhausted by its continuation, how is any government to subsist? It will require long years of peace to enable the country to support a monarchy, such as the present one.
The financial situation is becoming so complicated that it can never be untangled. The yearly estimate amounts to fifty-seven millions of dollars, eighteen millions of which go to the support of the army, and the thirty-nine remaining to the civil government. Our reasoning becomes more forcible as these expenses increase; and this is the government that was to be a panacea to all our ills! Any one acquainted with our country can see how absurd it is to think that such a sum can be collected. We laugh at the new financier sent to Mexico by Napoleon to make these ridiculous calculations. Mr. Langlais has asserted that it is very easy to make Mexico yield two hundred millions of dollars! When we see foreign financiers, entirely ignorant of our country, solve complicated questions in four words, we are tempted to exclaim: “Pardon them, O Lord, for they know not what they say!”
The present condition of the finances is gloomy: rentes and foreign loans have already been absorbed by the government expenses. The revenues of the States have also been used up, since the central system was substituted for the federative. The funds have been used to support a court of foreigners, that squanders money in great profusion. Horses, balls, excursions, shows, banquets, alms, servants, and dress, cost millions. Four millions’ pay to the Austrian soldiers is aside from all this. Such extravagance will certainly bankrupt the country and put an end to the imperial farce. * * * *
In fact, everything conspires to make the situation more grievous, the few victories of the imperial arms not excepted. The advantage has mostly been on our side, even when the imperialists triumphed, for nobody can believe in its ultimate success in this prolonged struggle. For military operations in this vast country the imperial government depends upon the French expeditionary corps, the foreign legion, and Mexican soldiers armed by the invaders. A rapid view of these three elements will demonstrate the impossibility of executing the work proposed.
We cannot say exactly what is the number of men in the French expeditionary corps; but at the time the question was debated in the legislative assembly, it consisted of 28,000 men. According to another report, it consisted of twenty-one battalions of infantry, thirteen squadrons of cavalry, eight batteries of artillery, and a company of sappers. Although recruits have continued to come from France for the last few months for the army in Mexico, the force has not been increased, as they had to take the place of discharged soldiers. One of the ways Napoleon thought of to increase his Mexican troops, was to hire 1,000 soldiers from the viceroy of Egypt to serve in portions of the country unhealthy to Europeans. One of the dangers of employing these troops is, they may bring the cholera into the country. [Page 121] This plan was protested against by Mr. Seward, in a note to the French government, and it was discontinued, and the idea abandoned.
From the most reliable information, the foreign legion consists of 12,900 men. Its losses are greater than those of the French troops, because it has taken part in almost all the important combats, with disastrous results, and has been sent to sickly regions where many died. Many of the Austrians sent to pacify Yucatan, perished there of yellow fever; and many Belgians died of fever in Michoacan. Typhus fever broke out recently in San Luis Potosi and destroyed many of the French garrison stationed there.
The auxiliary corps of Mexican traitors is the smallest body of troops fighting for intervention, and they are kept so purposely on account of the mistrust with which they are regarded. Desertion from the imperial to the republican ranks is another cause of diminution in the former. We know of none other of the Mexican auxiliaries but those of Mejia’s division in Matamoras, Oronoz’s brigade in Colima, a few of them in Acapulco, and those with Mendez in Michoacan.
As a summary of Napoleon’s working forces in the field, we reckon 40,000 foreign troops and 6,000 or 8,000 Mexican imperialists. As the insurrection has now become general all over the country, this force is entirely insufficient for the proposed pacification of Mexico. Unless supplied with constant re-enforcements it will continue to diminish till it is useless; and even with those it has had, it has done nothing to end its mission.
In fact, the military operation of the last months of this year clearly demonstrate that the small fire is not so easily quenched, although the defenders of national independence were called bandits and were treated as such. Small as they may be and meanly as they are treated, their feeble efforts will soon put an end to monarchy and intervention.
The republican cause is still sustained in Tabasco and Chiapis, and the national government kept up. As their peculiar position exempts them from frequent molestation, they employ their leisure time in preparing for new struggles, or in lending aid to the national forces in their vicinity.
In the State of Vera Cruz General Garcia is attracting the enemy’s attention, molesting him continually, and often doing considerable damage. We occupy important places for a time, and then are compelled to abandon them to the imperialists. This was the case in Zongolica, Huatasco, and various other towns, which were alternately taken by both parties. The republicans have recently taken possession of Tlapacoyan. The trains on the railway between Cordova and Orizava are frequently fired into. One train was stopped; the French were taken from it and executed.
Colonels Figueroa and Diaz have continued fighting in Oaxaca with varied success. After taking Tehuacan, Figueroa gained another important victory in Trapichito, routing an Austrian column, and taking the money it was escorting. The newspapers of the capital reported that the republican forces were overtaken and punished; but this could not have been true, as they soon returned to the field better equipped than they were before. The good sense of the people of Oaxaca will keep them steadfast in the good cause, particularly as they may expect aid from their neighbors, and can take advantage of the dissensions among the imperialist and Austrian authorities in the capital of the State.
Michoacan has been the theatre of events of much interest. The army of the centre has been reorganized, and has acquired such strength that its headquarters are now only twelve leagues from Morelia. The commander-in-chief has divided his forces into three sections: one under Riva Palacio, another under Zepeda, and taking charge of the third himself. The first advanced upon Morelia on the 12th of October, and would have taken the town if the cavalry had not wasted time in pursuing some flying Belgians outside, which gave the besieged time to strengthen their fortifications within the city. Our forces thus frustrated retired, with considerable loss to the Belgians.
The imperial newspapers also reported the defeat of Zepeda by Carriedo, a lieutenant colonel in the employ of the interventionists. As we have heard nothing of this from any other source we are inclined to doubt its truth.
As to the third section, we mentioned it when speaking of General Arteaga’s assassination. Mendez says his victory at Santa Ana Amatlan was owing to his hurried march of twelve leagues through the hot region; but we think it more attributable to chance.
The lamentable events mentioned have not put an end to the war in Michoacan, a State that has distinguished itself in this war, for the chiefs there have given varied proofs of valor and constancy. General Regules has been put in command of the army of the centre, in place of General Arteaga. This distinguished leader, assisted by Bonda, Garcia, and many others, will preserve the good name of the State, and may add new honors to its renown by future deeds of glory.
The partisan leader, Ugalde, already so famous, has not failed to act in his line of business. He routed a force that was sent out after him from Mexico in San Felipe, and after a hard day’s march had another encounter with the enemy, with the loss of a few of his men. As is usual, when republican news is reported in imperialist papers, Ugalde was said to be cut to pieces, and his force entirely destroyed. This was not true, for the formidable partisan made his appearance in a few days with a better force than before.
The republican Escamilla routed the imperialists under Llorente, at Huasteca, and both leaders were killed in the action.
[Page 122]It would be a tedious task to mention all the encounters of our partisans with the enemy; suffice it to say, the republicans mostly get the advantage, and their number in the good cause increases, often swelled by those who had formerly figured in the intervention ranks when they had been forced to fight. General Juan Vicario belongs to this number; he pronounced against the imperial government in Matamoras. Fermin Valdes, lately killed in an encounter, was another of these. If a few of these partisans surrender, as Fragosa did, a second time, many others rise up to take their places, thus demonstrating that the contest will be interminable.
In the State of Guerrero, where the public spirit has not been disturbed, the republican forces are increasing, and many of them joined General Diaz after his escape from prison. The brave sons of this State will soon have occasion to lend important aid to the national cause, as the port of Acapulco has been held since September by 500 men, under Montenegro, protected by the French fleet. When our garrison evacuated the town, most of the inhabitants left with them, and remained in the neighborhood, to prevent the entry of provisions for the enemy’s use, as well as to harass them if they ventured outside. They can only get provisions now by sea. Many of the garrison are sick, and not a man can venture beyond the town without running the risk of capture. They would have been attacked and destroyed long ago but for the French vessels which protect them. They have lately received re-enforcements under a certain Torres, and, it is said, 500 more are coming from Mazatlan. For all this their position is not much better; for, if they confine themselves to the port, disease and hunger will destroy them; and if they venture into the interior, the obstacles and difficulties they meet with will be insuperable in a defensive warfare.
General Escobedo having determined upon a new campaign in the frontier States, marched upon Matamoras with all the troops he could raise in Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, and Coahuila. The first cavalry brigade was left to guard Monterey.
On the 22d of October the northern army corps camped at Alvino Pena, within cannonshot of the town. General Escobedo sent Colonel Sostenes Rocha to demand a surrender of the place. As it was refused, trenches were made by the republicans and batteries erected preparatory to an assault.
Tomas Mejia finding some confederate officers among Maximilian’s troops, had them shot, because he had been informed that they intended to surrender the place to Escobedo, if they found an opportunity.
On the 24th orders were issued for the attack next day. General Hinojosa was placed on the right, General Cortinas on the left, and a feint was to be made in the centre to divert attention. At 2 o’clock on the morning of the 25th a north wind and hard rain came on and continued until 5. As the weather prevented an attack, the troops stationed on the flanks fell back. At half past four the signal for attack was given, but, as it could not be simultaneous, it failed, though commenced with vigor. Hinojosa advanced first and penetrated the city to Independence square. The enemy was repulsed; but, being re-enforced from the forts, and supported by the steamer Antonia that came up the river and took our forces in the rear, we had to retreat to our original position. General Hinojosa and Colonel Adolfo Garza were badly wounded in the engagement. At that moment the left wing came in with boldness. General Cortinas took one fort and disabled another; but the enemy’s reserve being free, fell upon their new assailants and drove them back. They withdrew in good order.
Thus an affair that would have been of signal importance was frustrated by accident. If the attack had been simultaneous instead of partial, the republicans would have been victorious.
Mejia then sent out his cavalry three consecutive times to attack our centre, and was driven back each time.
There was no formal attack made afterwards. Rain and wind continued without interruption. Skirmishes were lively every day. On the 7th Canales attacked a steamer bringing some French marines to aid, wounded a few men, but the steamer passed.
Hard weather, want of munitions, and the news of the evacuation of Monterey by the French caused us to raise the siege of Matamoras, after vainly endeavoring to provoke Mejia to battle in the open field. Cortinas remained guarding the post while Escobedo marched towards Monterey, on the 14th of November, with the Naranjo brigade; the rest of the troops went into quarters.
The reason why Matamoras was not taken having been explained, it is evident that natural forces, over which we had no control, prevented its fall.
The imperialists, with their usual mendacity, misrepresented this attack; they called it a defeat; did not give the correct list of losses, and represented the republicans as annihilated. If that had been the case, why did not Mejia come out and give chase to the fugitives? Even after Cortinas was left alone in front of the town, the interventionists did not dare to attack him.
During the siege, the American soldiers in Brownsville continued to applaud the besiegers. The traitors and French asserted that they furnished ammunition to the Mexicans. This was the cause of a warm correspondence between the French marine Clouet, Thomas Mejia, and the American General Weitzel, in which the last completely disproves his infraction of neutrality, but does not conceal his sympathy, and that of his men, for the cause of the Mexican republic. Weitzel sent Clouet an insolent note, and would have nothing more to do with the presumptuous marine.
[Page 123]The evident preference of the American army, and all the people, for our cause, makes it hard for them to conceal their expressions; and if the French troops do not withdraw from our soil this feeling will certainly bring about a conflict between France and the United States. General Escobedo, still designing to occupy Monterey, left Cadereyta Jimenez the 22d of November with the first and second New Leon brigades and two squadrons of Coahuila rifles, and stopped for the night at Guadalupe, one league from the said capital. It was known to Tinajero and Quiroga, in defence of the capital, that Ruperto Martinez had three hundred men for the republicans; so they determined to attack us before that aid could come up. The attack was made on the 23d, and we stood it bravely. Then we attacked them, with Colonel Treviños’s cavalry in the flank and rear and the rest of our forces in front, and routed them completely, taking many prisoners, and arms and ammunition of all sorts.
The expected re-enforcements arriving the next day, the 24th, it was decided to storm the town. Three columns were arranged under Colonels Rocha and Naranjo, with commander Martinez. The attack was made so boldly the single forts soon fell into our hands, the garrison was dispersed, and the fugitives took refuge in the citadel and Obispo fort. The enemy’s loss was great.
As soon as our movements were known, Commander La Hayrie of Saltillo, and Jeanningros, just made general, who was going to Monclova, offered assistance to the besieged. La Hayrie, being the nearest, arrived first, reaching Monterey by forced marches on the morning of the 25th. He marched straight into the city and attacked us boldly; but the republican infantry compelled him to retreat. Colonel Rocha charged them with his cavalry, and drove them quite out of the city, with the loss of many killed and wounded.
When General Escobedo was about to attack the French and traitors that had hid in the citadel and Obispo fort, he heard that Jeanningros was at San Francisco, only a league and a half from Monterey. As he had not enough forces to hold the place, he left it, in good order, at two o’clock in the afternoon of the same day, the 25th.
We had gone but four leagues when the French cavalry overtook us, harassing our rear; but we soon turned and drove them back. They returned to Monterey that night. Our troops continued their march unmolested to Camargo, where they intended to rest for a new campaign.
Jeanningros’s sudden arrival at Monterey annulled the good effect of our three successive victories on the 23d, 24th, and 25th November.
Our repulse of Quiroga and Tinajero, in their first attack, was very commendable; and our subsequent assault and temporary capture of the city was a still more deserving feat. The commander said in his report of the affair: “With plenty of such soldiers, we would soon see the independence and liberty of our dear country secured.”
The interventionists distorted the events of Monterey as much as possible, according to their inveterate custom; and the defeat of Tinajero and Quiroga at Guadalupe was changed into an imperial victory. The rout of La Hayrie was passed over in utter silence. They proclaimed a victory over the republican forces when they attacked our rear-guard, when we had only three wounded and eight scattered. The only thing they did not deny was the capture of Monterey, in which prevarication was impossible; and that is the way imperialists write history!
In order to concentrate the army, Marshal Bazaine ordered the withdrawal of the French that had invaded the States of New Leon, Coahuila, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, and Sonora in the months of September and October. This movement was made simultaneously, and was soon known by us. Jeanningros left Monterey and Saltillo for San Luis; General Brincourt abandoned the State of Chihuahua, followed by all the traitors that had joined his, party. This was a good lesson to those who had changed their principles so suddenly; they were suddenly abandoned by their new friends, the invaders. The French left every part of Sinaloa, except the port of Mazatlan, and the garrison soon began to desert that place too. And finally all the foreign troops in Sonora left Ures and Hermosillo, and concentrated in Guaymas, which place Colonel Garnier soon left for Mazatlan.
Before the evacuation of Sonora a very lamentable accident occurred. General Rosales, who was compelled to quit Alamos, returned in August to attack the imperialists garrisoned there. This he did with his accustomed courage, but was beaten back with considerable loss, and perished in the fight. Such was the lamentable but glorious end of the victor at San Pedro. Long will the country remember his deeds.
After the evacuation of Chihuahua, the President determined to return to the capital of that State. Before he left El Paso he ordered a town to be laid out at Presidio del Norte, and named it Ojinaga, after the gallant general of that name who perished in defence of the national cause. He issued a circular ordering all generals, chiefs, and officers who had left the republic without express leave from the government, or those who had overstaid their leave, to be imprisoned as soon as they returned and tried for the offence. * *
Two days before the government left this place it was honored by a ball given by the American officers in Fort Bliss, as a testimonial of their sympathy and esteem, which had been shown before on several occasions.
When the government returned to Chihuahua the new governor and military commander was in power. When the French left they appointed Felix Maceyra as governor, upon the recommendation of the principal citizens. Then Colonel José Merino, political chief and [Page 124] military commander of the eastern frontier of the State, making use of the power conferred upon him by the government, made Luis Terrazas political chief and military commander of the capital, and he immediately assumed the position, and he was soon confirmed in it by the State government. There was this singular coincidence with Terrazas: he had been made political prefect of the department by General Brincourt, when the French had possession, and confirmed by Maximilian. Both appointments were undoubtedly made on account of his popularity. Maximilian did not know him, but presumed he would lend himself to the cause of intervention. He was much mistaken. Mr. Terrazas’s loyal and patriotic conduct will be honored in all time to come.
The President left El Paso on the 13th of November, and arrived in Chihuahua on the 20th. An account of his reception there was published in a supplement to the official paper on the 21st. It is a faithful and exact report of the memorable celebration. * *
The government had hardly got to Chihuahua when it was rumored that the French had returned to the State. At first the strange report was hard to believe, for it could not be imagined why the enemy should come back and repossess the same places they had just left. But it was a serious fact, and the invading forces rapidly approached the capital. They were not far off, when the government resolved to return to El Paso a second time.
To judge from reports, the advance movement of the enemy was general, just as the retreat had been a few months before. In fact, Jeanningros came back from San Luis to Monclova about that time, driving out Andres S. Viezca, governor and military commander of the State of Coahuila de Zaragoza, and following him almost to Piedras Negras. We do not know if the same happened in Sinaloa and Sonora, but we presume it did, as that was Marshal Bazaine’s general plan.
Generals Rubi and Corona have their forces united in Sinaloa to oppose the enemy. They have possession of the entire State, except the port of Mazatlan, and they were approaching to take that. They are prepared for every emergency. As to Sonora, although Gandara had induced many of the semi-savages of the State to adhere to intervention, it is most probable he has been whipped by General Martinez and Colonel Correa, who went with a republican force to meet him. These chiefs, in union with General Garcia Morales, at any rate, will keep alive the flames of insurrection.
The President of the republic reached this city on the 18th instant. At the distance of two leagues from town he was received by the local authorities, the principal citizens, and many country people. A band of music met him at the entrance of the town, and accompanied him with crowds to the house prepared for his place of residence. The people applauded him as he advanced, and the firing of guns, the ringing of bells, and salvos of artillery expressed the public rejoicing. The houses of the principal streets were hung with curtains and flags. There was a banquet spread in the building prepared for the President, and it was attended by the local functionaries and many distinguished persons, some of whom carried their amiability so far as to wait on the table themselves. Many ladies called on the chief of the nation the next day, and he seemed delighted with the demonstration of preference thus displayed.
General Ignacio Mejia was appointed minister of war on the 25th. The good services he has rendered his country on various occasions make him worthy of the position. He was one of the chief defenders of the national cause on the memorable 5th of May, 1862, and at the siege of Puebla, in the following year, where he was taken prisoner and sent to France. He has remained steadfast in his cause, and rejected indignantly all proposals of submission to the interventionist government. Now he has returned home he will have an opportunity to devote himself anew to the service of his country, as he is now doing in the high position to which he has been deservedly called by the confidence of the President of the republic.
A few days after the establishment of the government in this city a report was circulated that the enemy from Chihuahua intended to attack us. This seemed very probable, as the invaders are doing all they can to drive the Chief Magistrate of the nation from Mexican territory. But it seems they are not in a condition to undertake new excursions, as the troops at the capital are not sufficient to garrison that place and furnish an expedition against this at the same time. It is even reported they are so weak they are afraid of an attack from us, and are digging trenches and erecting fortifications for defence.
In case of an attack upon us, we will be well prepared for it. Due preparations for defence are making around us, and both the state and general governments are collecting all the elements of war for the occasion. In case of the enemy’s advance he will most probably meet with an unexpected resistance, capable of frustrating his plans; and even if it should not be so, he will scarcely succeed in driving the President from the national territory.
All this will not put an end to the war that has already lasted four years; nothing less than an abandonment of invasion will do it. The national cause is certainly in a better condition to-day than it was at the close of 1864. Great advances have been made against intervention in Europe, in the United States, and in our own republic, of late years, and we have taken care to note them down in the series of our reviews. The very probable withdrawal of the French troops; the end of the civil war in the neighboring nation, and its firm position on the Monroe doctrine; Maximilian’s want of pecuniary means, and the impossibility of obtaining them by loans; the disorder of everything in the empire, and the determination in the country to resist foreign dominion—these are the marked advantages that have been [Page 125] gained within the last twelve months. Many anticipated advantages have been realized in 1865. We have good reason now to hope that French intervention will soon come to a close and leave the Mexican republic to re-establish its former independence, and restore its liberal institutions before the end of the year of 1866.