Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress

Mr. Clay to Mr. Seward

No. 99.]

Legation of the United States, St. Petersburg, Russia, February 6, 1866.

Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you the papers prepared by Jeremiah Curtin, esq., giving an account of the reception given to the American legation by the citizens and Prince Scherbatoff, the mayor of Moscow. These demonstrations were by the special permission of his imperial Majesty, and are therefore justly regarded as a testimony of the respect and amity felt by the government of Russia for the government and people of the United States.

This is the first demonstration of the kind ever made in Russia, and may therefore be thought to have more than usual significance; and it is so regarded here and by the press in Europe, which has very generally noticed it. Mr. Curtin has undertaken to collect some of the comments of the European press, and when ready I shall take the liberty of enclosing them to the department. I second Mr. Curtin’s suggestion that you allow the whole proceedings to be published in America. From conversations and inquiries from Prince Dolgorvukey, aid-de-camp general to his imperial Majesty, and who is known to share eminently his confidence, I am sure such publicity is expected in high quarters here. In the present delicate relations between ourselves and France, and which I most ardently trust may be amicably arranged, these evidences of loyalty to our country from a first-rate power may not be without wholesome influence in the peaceable solution of the same.

I cannot allow this occasion to pass without saying that much of the good feeling existing towards this legation is owing to the character and merits of Mr. Curtin, who has learned the Russian language and speaks it fluently, in which he delivered his speech in Moscow, to the delight of all Russia. He is a great acquisition to this legation, and deserves well of the country.

I am, my dear sir, your most obedient servant,

C. M. CLAY.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Translation of the leading article in the Moscow News, accompanying the description of the entertainment given to the legation of the United States; written by the editor, Mr. Katkoff.

Of all the nations of the earth, the United States is without doubt the most popular in Russia.

Nations as well as individuals are naturally inclined to acts of kindness as long as there is neither antipathy nor conflict of interests between them. Between the Russian people and the powerful republic of North America there has never been either antipathy or conflict of interests of any serious kind. Separated on one side by immense distances, they have on the other, by the force of natural extension, succeeded in becoming near neighbors. Separated from each other by one-half of Europe and the entire Atlantic ocean, they have met upon the Pacific, where, for them, there is no subject of dispute, and where they can but join hands in friendship and alliance. Is not this remoteness, and at the same time proximity in the geographical position of the two nations, a symbol of their interior relations to each other? In their origin, their destiny, and their present life there are many dissimilarities, many striking contrasts. But the more striking their peculiarities appear upon comparison, the more deeply do we feel the powerful interior analogies which attract them to each other and which is the source of that cordiality which binds them together, and binds them the more strongly for the reason that there is not a single interest of importance for either country which can become a subject of dispute between them. Both people are inspired by the spirit of the future; both are prepared for all possible sacrifices to preserve their national unity; both are so filled with the spirit of patriotis in that in this respect they can only be compared with each other.

The entire thousand years’ history of the Russian nation is a series of trials which it has experienced, a series of mighty efforts through which it has triumphed. Events which have taken place before the eyes of living men testify to the trials which our distant neighbors have overcome, and to that energy which they are capable of displaying. There is much in our nature which is more easily understood by the American than by many others with whom we are in continual contact, and there is much in the American which is more easily understood and which is nearer to the Russian than even to that European country, which was the original home of the American and whose language he speaks. The puzzle which both nations present to the rest of the world brings them together and makes them related to each other. Both are objects of doubt, and where there is doubt there is apprehension. Both arouse apprehension by the very fact of their existence; both are objects of ill-will—Eussia of an ill-will more active and deeply seated than her transatlantic allies. In this regard the position of the American people is much more happy and much more agreeable than ours. On their continent they know no rival; to a virgin land they brought the gifts of a ripe civilization. The American nation was formed by individuals coming independently and singly to the country, and not developed slowly from a mass of races. It had not to battle for its existence so stubbornly and so long. However, recent events have shown that the Americans have no reason to envy us for the abundance of ill-will which has fallen to our lot. Cunning enmity found its way into their divided land and encouraged the treason which cost America so much blood and so much effort. When civil war raged in the United States, what malicious confidence was expressed on this side of the Atlantic in the final destruction of the young giant. What bold calculations were made, what changes were planned and even carried into execution in their neighborhood.

But what confusion the triumph of the United States caused in those same spheres; how political plans were drawn up in view of the disasters of America. Russia alone it was that never wavered either in her friendship to the United States or in her convictions that their cause would triumph. From her alone they heard sincere words of sympathy and encouragement. We quote the language of an American, (Mr. Curtin,) spoken in Russian; we know how this friendship of Russia was prized and what a reception was shown to our seamen when they arrived in America, at a time when Russia herself was an object of hostile designs and when her enemies had hoped by the aid of threats and domestic treason to carry out their plans.

We write these lines under the impression produced by the memorable entertainment given by the merchants of Moscow to the legation of the United States, on Thursday last, in the hall of the Academy of Commercial Science. We say, to the legation of the United States, but let not our readers think that we speak of a numerous diplomatic suite with which the legations of even small European powers are unable to dispense. The legation of the United States consists of the minister and the secretary. It is well known it is difficult to arouse Moscow. No matter how many ambassadors and ministers might have appeared within her walls, she would have paid them no attention. But the arrival of General Clay, minister plenipotentiary of the United States, who had been preceded some days by the secretary of legation, Mr. Curtin, who learned the Russian language in New York, could not pass unnoticed, could not but produce an impression, could not but call forth manifestations all the more significant in that they were sincere and unpremeditated; even peasants presented themselves to the minister with greetings and with bread and salt.

Our readers will find in our Sunday supplement a full account of this banquet which the merchants of Moscow prepared for their esteemed guests, and also the speeches delivered on the occasion.

Never have toasts been received with greater enthusiasm than the first toasts to the health of the Emperor, the President, Russia and America, and for the guests themselves. It is difficult to give an idea of the enthusiasm with which the animated speeches accompanying the principal toasts were received, which gives so extended a significance to this entertainment, and which finds the same echo in the breasts of all patriots in Russia and in the United States of North America.

[Translated from the “Moscow News,” of January 9 O. S., 21 N. S.]

Grand banquet given by the merchants of Moscow in honor of the legation of the United States.

The merchants of Moscow, taking advantage of the accidental presence in their city of the minister of the United States of America, General Clay, which happened shortly after the arrival of the secretary of legation, Mr. Curtin, and wishing on their part to express the national feeling of sympathy for the United States, and their gratitude for the reception given by the American people not long since to the Russian fleet, invited the legation of the United States to a dinner at the Moscow Academy of Commercial Science.

Just before 5 o’clock p. m. the minister and secretary of legation, attended by a deputation, arrived. The honorable guests were met on the grand staircases by the committee of arrangements, and at the entrance of the hall by the president of the academical council, and by the inspector of the institute. Precisely at 5 o’clock the guests were seated at table. The number of persons invited was 150. At the beginning of the dinner the orchestra played variations of Yankee Doodle. The music of their native land, skilfully executed by the orchestra, so pleased our American guests that they rose from their seats, and applauded long and heartily. Next came Glinkas Kanearinskaya, heard also with evident pleasure by the Americans.

The orchestra, however, had not long to play. The dinner was not nearly half finished when the president, Mr. Razanoff, opened the series of toasts, to the great delight of all, by that toast which is ever first at a Russian dinner. He spoke as follows:

“Gentlemen: The time has arrived to commence our toasts, but we Russians, everywhere and always, drink the same first toast to the health and long life of our dearly beloved Emperor.”

The hurrahs of Russians and Americans were joined in one long-continued deafening chorus, drowning the music of “God preserve the Emperor.” Some minutes elapsed before the orchestra could begin the hymn anew and finish it. At its conclusion again broke forth a Russian hurrah, to which our guests contributed most heartily. This put off for a time the possibility of proposing a toast for his Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the United States. This toast was given by the president of the Exchange committee, Mr. Lyamin, one of the principal managers of the dinner. Mr. Lyamin spoke as follows:

“In the presence of our esteemed guest, the representative of the United States of America, it would be very natural for us to say something of our desire to draw still nearer to his great country, and to enter into direct mercantile relations with it. Much might be said about the agreeableness and the profit of such direct communication, both for our rising manufactures and for his country, so rich in materials of every kind.

“But it was an entirely different cause that called forth our unanimous desire to beg of our esteemed guest the honor of his presence on this occasion.

“This cause is higher than material interests and political considerations.

“Our fleet appeared in America during the past year, and our countrymen, Russian seamen, were received by the Americans with such hospitality and such marks of honor as have sunk deep into our hearts.

“No matter how worthy might have been the representatives of our navy; it was not that which called forth the glad greeting of their hospitable hosts.

“The people of America, in the persons of our countrymen, honored the Russian name. The title of Russian man gave the right to be received by them with open arms. Not so were we then regarded by other nations.

“Love of our cherished native land is dear to each one of us Russians; therefore he who loves Russia has the full and inalienable right to consider us all as sincerely and truly devoted to him. Aside from all political considerations, the Americans have shown, by their truly friendly reception, that Russia was dear to them, and Russians welcome to their shores. “Filled with gratitude to the citizens of the great American republic, let us raise the cup; of greeting, and drink to the health of the most highly esteemed and most worthy President of the United States, Andrew Johnson.”

Amidst the storm of applause with which this toast was received was heard the music of “Hail Columbia,” and immediately, with the permission of the minister, the following telegram was sent to Liverpool, to be forwarded to Washington:

“To the American Consul at Liverpool, England:

“Telegram to his Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America:

“The merchants of Moscow, welcoming to their city the minister of the United States, drink to the health of your excellency.

“The President of the committee of reception.”

General Clay, rising from his seat, spoke as follows:

“Gentlemen: I am unexpectedly in Moscow, the cradle of Russian nationality.

“You had already prepared this entertainment for my esteemed friend, Jeremiah Curtin, who has done himself the honor to learn your magnificent language. Nor would I be now present upon your invitation did I not know that the Russian heart is large enough to include us both.

“I gratefully appreciate and accept, for myself and for my countrymen, the expressions of cordial friendship which the citizens of Moscow are pleased to utter towards the people of the United States.

“I am proud to hear the name of President Andrew Johnson associated with that of Alexander II, the illustrious sovereign whom God has given to our times for the good of Russia and the glory of all the ages.

“It was the fortune of both of these rulers of two great nations to have devoted their lives to the liberation of the enslaved, and to the elevation of the whole people to equality before the law.

“I cannot but regard this coincidence as the work of that Providence which inscrutably designs and ever advances, in monarchies and in republics, the liberties and the civilization of the human race.

“Let us bow in reverend submission to the divine will, and hold the friendship between the people of Russia and America, which He has indelibly written in the annals of history, sacred as the family hearthstone, as the love of country, and as that honor which, though often reddened with the blood of the heroic martyrs of liberty, yet lives forever untarnished.”

After these words, which were listened to with the fullest sympathy expressed in prolonged applause, Mr. M. A. Gorboff made the following speech:

“To me is reserved the honor of welcoming you, in the name of the merchants of Moscow, to greet you as the honored guest of our city, and as the representative of a nation which has so often and so solemnly declared its sympathy with us Russians.

“Sincerely do I regret that I must speak in a language foreign to you.

“Heartily do I wish that, in the accents of this strange tongue, the expressions of that sympathy, with which we look upon everything that redounds to the honor, the glory, and the profit of the people who have empowered you to be their representative in Russia, might not fall meaningless upon your ear.

“We citizens of Moscow value most highly this opportunity of repaying, in the most Russian of Russian cities, even a part of that debt which we owe for the kindness and hospitality with which the citizens of the United States received our fellow-countrymen.

“Wishing now as private citizens, in this our private society, to give utterance only to our own views and feelings, we think it proper to declare that this expression of national sympathy in both our countries is not, like many official phrases, an empty commonplace. At the bottom of it lie deep traits of resemblance in the position, the interests, and the peculiarities of both nations, elements which are destined to influence the future history of both Russia and America, and through it the fate of the world.

“My words are not popular vauntings; in them is contained our historical faith. Two Colossuses, Russia and the great States of North America, with their boundless extent of territory, their various population, and their immense national resources, lie like two insolvable problems before the ancient powers of Europe.

“But we believe that the solution of these problems will be to give both countries in the future such a significance as is, perhaps, without example in the history of nations before our time. Both you and me can point with the same feelings of just pride to those mighty evidences of interior vitality which both people have ever shown when, relying on their own strength, they proudly rejected all foreign interference.

“General Clay’s reference to similar reforms reminds me of similar trials. Notwithstanding the different measures called forth by these events, there is a remarkable similarity in the triumph which with which both nations issued from their difficulties.

“Here I cannot but express our joy at the manner in which Russia put an end to internal disturbances. And of America I would say, can that people think of their future without pride, which, in the first year after the close of a war unexampled in history, has changed in its budget one hundred and twelve millions of deficit to one hundred and eleven millions of excess? I remember these facts set forth with such grand simplicity by your President, because to us manufacturers financial questions are especially near and easy to be understood. After this involuntary digression, I shall endeavor to express the sentiments of all Russians present.

“We think that in this consciousness of nexhaustible national power is contained the source of that sympathy which draws the people of the two countries together, and from that grand impartiality with which both the governments and the public opinion of both Russia and America treat questions of mutual internal interests, freedom of internal action in each country.

“From this trust in themselves, from this sympathy of the powerful with the powerful, is to be attributed in part the fact that neither American nor Russian industry and commerce have suffered from selfish attacks of one country upon the other, similar to those, for example, which recently were directed agains our rising manufactures by our European neighbors, and which we merchants of Moscow have been obliged to ward off as well as we could. You Americans have never regarded our successes, as many European nations do, with envy and apprehension.

“Therefore it is that we citizens of Moscow honor in your person the noble and just American nation, which is at the same time fully conscious of its own strength and foreign to all envy.

“Therefore it is that we look so sympathizingly on the reunion of all the bright stars on your glorious flag. We are conscious that both you and we may quietly await the future, believing, in the words of your illustrious President, ‘that many incidents, which from a speculative point of view might raise alarm, will quietly settle themselves.’

“With this conviction I beg permission to unite in one, two toasts, near and dear to all the best hearts in the boundless extent of our fatherlands—to unite in one a toast for the prosperity, unity, and extension of the powerful and glorious United States of North America, with a toast for the flourishing through ages of our orthodox Russia.”

In two parts of this speech the speaker was interrupted by the prolonged cheers of all the Russians present at the dinner—namely, where he spoke of the historical greatness awaiting Russia and America, and of the sympathy of the Americans with the successes of Russia, in comparison with the position towards her of other nations.

To this speech, after which was played the “Star Spangled Banner,” Mr. Curtin, the secretary of legation, answered in the Russian language as follows:

“Gentlemen: As my superior, General Clay, the representative of the United States of America in Russia, is unacquainted with your language, and as thanks for a Russian greeting are not to be thought of in a strange tongue, it becomes my pleasant duty to answer your words of welcome in your own mother tongue.

“With my whole soul I thank you for the honor you have shown my country. Knowing how dear Russia is to the hearts of all who surround me here, I have the assurance that this toast for the prosperity of Russia and America, and for the continuance of their mutual friendship, is indeed no mere empty words, but a sincere and joyful greeting.

“For me and for every one of my countrymen nothing could be pleasanter than this generous toast which I hear to-day in the ancient capital of the Russian emperors.

“In the history of our relations with foreign powers, for us Americans the brightest fact is the unshaken friendship and kind disposition to us of the Russian people. In this kind disposition we rejoice; this friendship we highly prize.

“In an hour of bitter trial the friendship of Russia did not betray us. From her we heard words of sympathy and encouragement. These words are engraven upon the hearts of the American people. We can never forget them.

“Our friendship is not the result of accident nor caprice. It is founded on permanent and natural principles, and of such a character that we may rely on its continuance and development.

“We are bound together by pleasant memories, by mental sympathies, and by religious tendencies.

“It is known to us that in New York, at the present time, a Russian church is about to be built with Russian and American money. As regards material relations, now occurs to me that actual union of our countries in the career of progress, where Russia and America have joined hands. I speak of the Russian and American telegraph, an enterprise of worldwide significance. I was in the United States when that bright thought, now in course of realization, was first conceived. I remember the sympathy, the unfeigned enthusiasm with which it was received, and I can boldly say that never has an undertaking had such popularity as the proposed union of your fatherland with mine.

“My countrymen are waiting impatiently for that moment when, expressing their feelings of respect and gratitude, the President of the United States shall send upon the newly constructed line his greeting to the Russian Emperor.

“You have spoken of the past and the future of Russia and America. To this I answer that for the past we have no reason to blush, and for the future we need not fear. In the past, with unshaken reliance on God, both Russia and America have battled for independence from foreign power, against foreign interference in whatever form it might appear. With what results is known to the world; and it is our prayer that as the Lord has been merciful to our fathers, so may He be to us and to our posterity.

“In the future, knowing each other better, we shall draw still closer together; for I am sure that if my countrymen knew Russia, even as I know her, they would love her still more than they do now.

“The year that I have spent in Russia is one of the pleasantest of all my life. My only regret is that I am not able to express even a small part of those feelings which I entertain towards you and your country.

“I am still an insufficient master of the Russian tongue, and say only that which I can, not that which I could wish to say. But I rejoice that here in ancient Moscow, on the hearth-stone of Russian hospitality, I can give you, in Russian words at least, my soul-felt thanks for your friendship to my country, for your kindness and your noble hospitality to myself, and it shall ever be the brightest recollection of my life that I have been the welcome guest of one of the most heroic and famous cities of which history makes mention.

“Thanking you once more for your kindness and hospitality, in closing I will say, with one of our American poets, ‘God bless the great empire that loves our dear Union; success to her people; long life to her Czar.’”

This second toast for the Emperor produced great effect. The orchestra answered it with “God preserve the Emperor.”

Mr. Curtin spoke with great feeling; more than once his voice trembled with emotion; the warmth of his sentiments and the Russian words with which he expressed them, carried away all hearers to enthusiasm. Nearly every sentence of his speech was interrupted by deafening plaudits, and long after its close the guests crowded around him, hastening, one before another, to embrace him. The general enthusiasm was increased when, amid these rapturous greetings, Mr. Rozanoff asked the attention of the audience in the following words:

“Gentlemen: With joy we have drunk the health of our dearly beloved Emperor, with the fullest enthusiasm to the health of the American President and for the prosperity of Russia and the United States. I now invite you to raise your glasses for the worthy representative of the United States, our honored guest, General Clay.”

In a moment General Clay was surrounded on all sides by numbers of guests desiring to touch glasses with him. The sounds of Russian, English, and French were mingled in the speech of the Moscovites desiring to express their pleasure at seeing in their city such an esteemed guest.

The mayor of the city, Prince Scherbatoff as the representative of all classes of the capital, asked permission to say a few words. He spoke in the following language:

“I am happy to be present at an entertainment the object of which is to honor the great American nation in the person of its worthy representative. We thank our honored guest for having conceived the happy thought of visiting Moscow, our ancient capital. Here he will become acquainted with life, especially Russian. From his words it is evident that he already values it. We hope that General Clay will bear away with him pleasant impressions as the result of his too short stay among us. At all events we are sure that he is convinced of the profound respect and sincere sympathy of the Russian people with the people of the United States. The mutual respect of two great nations is the best bond for the preservation of unbroken—friendly relations. Allow me, gentlemen, to propose a toast for the continuance of the sincere friendship between Russia and the United States of America, to the honor and advantage of both nations.”

These words were received with loud acclamations; in general there was no falling off of that enthusiasm which accompanied every word and speech which contained the slightest reference to the friendly relations between Russia and America.

It was very natural that all present awaited with especial impatience the toast for Mr. Curtin, whose coming to Moscow was the original cause of the present dinner, and whose Russian speech was such a remarkable and sitting ornament to the occasion. This toast for the health of Yeremie Davidovitch Curtin the committee had requested Mr. Gorboff to propose, which he did in the following words:

“Gentlemen: Never have I so desired to speak well as at the present moment. I have no speech prepared, and that which I could wish to say would no doubt be pleasant for you all. But what need have I of a speech? I feel that no matter how early I might have begun it, no matter how I might have labored upon it, I should not have attained that warmth, that force, that heartfelt sympathy which we have heard in those expressions flattering to our feelings, and which we have heard in our own mother tongue in the speech of our dear guest. [Bravo!] I have arisen to thank this guest, whom, to the great gratification of us all, I can name as we name ourselves in Russian, with his own name and the name of his father—to thank Yeremie Davidovitch^* Curtin. [Bravo! bravo!] Permit me, gentlemen, permit me; again you have interrupted me; what remains for me now to do? I shall do that which he himself has done. He finished his beautiful speech with verses from an American poet. I shall finish mine with a line from the greatest of our poets. Yeremie Davidowitch, neither do I know, nor does any one present know, how to thank you as we could wish for all that you have said:

“‘Where there is much feeling there are few words.’

“Gentlemen, accept my simple toast to the health of a dear guest in our Moscow—to the health of Yeremie Davidovitch Curtin.”

To give an idea of the prevailing enthusiasm one should have seen with what sympathy all drank to the health of Yeremie Davidovitch.

Next in order came the speech of Mr. Chetverikoff, president of the Exchange committee and member of the council on manufactures, on the similarity of manufacturing wants and interests in Russia and the United States:

“Gentlemen: Not alone in the consciousness of power, not alone in a great future is contained, as I think, the similarity of our position with that of the United States of America. Permit me to call your attention to stil another element in the mutual sympathy between the laboring classes of our Russia and their transatlantic brethren—another condition, which, being the same for the United States and for us, is also especially near to manufacturers and merchants, and therefore a fit subject for mention on the present occasion: the manufacturing interests of the United States, as well as our own, demand at the present time a protective tariff. Our merchants and the producers of the United States are in favor of it, not from obstinacy nor because they are led away by false theories. The question of protective systems, and unconditional free trade, has long furnished themes for dispute between localities needing foreign raw materials for manufactures, and those more favored lands abounding in agricultural products, which can and should widely develop home manufactures.

“These countries, gentlemen, are Russia and the native land of our guests; they both possess similar means of development, and for that reason serve as an object of attack for the theorists of the whole world. But, unfortunately, disputes of this kind do not remain theories. In one form or another the question of protecting internal productions has become at the present time a vital one for the manufacturing population of both America and Russia. You are aware that, for nearly a year, a permanent committee of merchants has been occupied in preparing an answer to the proposition of the German Zollverein in regard to a commercial treaty with Russia. During all this time I have taken part personally in the preparation of the various data in all branches of Russian manufactures. Our task is done. The result of our investigations is before the public.

“In the course of this year I have often thought of the inductions which are inevitable upon an examination of the various data contained in this collection of facts concerning our Russian manufactures.

“I consider myself fortunate in being able to express the inductions which I have made, and in the truth of which I firmly believe, in the very words of an author renowned in the literature of American political economy.

“Theorists have condemned our country to exclusively agricultural labor, to the production of raw materials, just as they have the United States. ‘But where there are no manufactures,’ says Carey, ‘the farmer will always be the victim of chance, and the ruinous fluctuations of prices.’ Increase of internal manufacture, variety of occupations, the bringing together of producer and consumer, are what Carey demands for assuring to the farmer a regular compensation for his products; this he demands as a protection against destructive mercantile crises. In a rational protective system, he sees the only means for the development of prosperity in the laboring class for the payment of the immense foreign debt of the United States; salutary demands, which may be repeated without change in Russia.

“The Russian merchants and manufacturers can say nothing more appropriate than this in defence of our home manufactures. It is painful to think of the future which would have awaited Russia and America, had they been limited to the production of raw materials for foreign factories. Of what use is a fertile soil and a boundless territory, if the trade in grain and other agricultural products is languishing on account of the difficulty of transport and the slow movement of capital? In America, according to Carey, the owners of railroads leading from the west suffer a continual loss in the transport of grain for the only purpose of giving the western farmer an opportunity of sending his grain to the eastern markets, and balance these losses by the profit on other classes of freight. With us, in Russia, where there are still few railroads, the farmer, for the greater part, sells his grain at a loss, if we count the actual cost of its production, and it is only at such prices that the dealer is able to transport it to the seaboard. The situation is the same, with the single exception that the losses, in every case, ruinous for those upon whom they fall, are borne by different persons.

“With us the quality of raw products needs improvement, and in North America, says Carey, the development of a home market is indispensable for improving the products of the country.

“The yearly influx of emigrants to the United States in search of an occupation, who, not finding it, betake themselves to agriculture, causes a great competition in the production of raw materials. In Russia, at the present time, the eleven millions of newly freed rural population cannot devote all their unoccupied time to agricultural labor; in summer there is work enough for all; but in the long winter months, they are, for the most part, condemned to involuntary idleness. Thus we see there are many similarities in the position of national labor in both countries. In relation to the United States, Mr. Carey very justly considers the adherents of unconditional free trade as the allies of England, striving to make her the workshop of the world, in order to manufacture our raw materials, and send back to us again the products of our own fields at a price a hundredfold more than we received for them. Even our continental neighbors have begun to offer their services, which, unfortunately, we Russians cannot consider as entirely unselfish, at least as regards the propositions of the Zollverein, of which I have already spoken.

“Pardon me, gentlemen, if I have occupied too much of your time in the consideration of a subject important to us all.

“Permit me to offer a toast, which follows as a natural conclusion from what I have said—a toast for the protection and development of home manufactures, in Russia and in the United States, and for direct mercantile relations between the markets of both countries. But this is impossible without ships. Allow me to add a third toast: Let us drink to the restoration of the merchant fleet of the United States, and the establishment of a similar fleet in our dear God-preserved Russia.”

General Clay answered Mr. Chetverikoff in the following speech, which was heartily applauded by all the hearers:

“Gentlemen: In natural science, man is the highest type of animal organization; his structure and growth are, of all, the most intricate and interesting. How much more intricate the growth and structure of a nation which groups together so many human beings! Statesmanship is the most profound of all sciences, and the most noble of all arts. Most aptly have the resemblances of Russia and America been set forth in the graphic remarks which we have just heard. There are among nations as among individuals, personal and general interests. And, as in municipal organizations, the interest of each is forwarded by the advancement of all, so each nation has a common share in the welfare of all the nations. The development of the nation comes from that of the individuals, so must the development of a common civilization come from the growth of each people.

“The first want of a nation is the development and the protection of labor, which is the basis of all its other wants. Intellect and science are as powerful in commerce as in war. A single chemist with his blow-pipe, a solvent, some sand and coloring matter, makes enough brilliant gewgaw to buy most of the furs and other raw materials produced by the labor of a whole tribe of savages. The producer uses the one-man power, the manufacturer the million-man power, of steam, electricity, chemistry, and all the natural forces. It is not now worth while for France and England to preach the gospel of ‘free trade’ to Russia and America. Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. As you have truly said, there were no stricter defenders of protective tariffs than France and England, till they became the workshops of the world. Now, having the accumulated capital and skill of ages, powerful to break down by flooding the market with temporarily cheap goods the infant manufactories of other countries, they have become suddenly the advocates of free trade. The manufacturing chemists want to keep in perpetual serfdom us savages of two continents. We raise the cotton and the tobacco. England and France desire to manufacture them into thread, calicos, laces, and into snuff and cigars, and then, over a quarter of the earth’s surface, to return them to us at ten times and a hundred times the price at which the raw materials were originally sold by the planter. Let us take the single article of cotton and follow up this process by which England, an insignificant isle, has become the centre of the capital, the exchanges, and the commerce of the world The pound of cotton is grown in Louisiana, in the United States; it is ready for the spindle, but the spindle is in Manchester, England. The pound of cotton goes by wagon to the nearest steamboat landing or railroad depot, and pays freight. Here it goes into a warehouse, and into the binds of a factor or commission merchant; it pays drayage, insurance, storage, and commission. It now sets out again for some seaport town having shipping communication with Liverpool, and pays again all these enumerated charges and freight; and after again repeating the same routine it reaches the manufacturer at Manchester. There it is spun, woven, and colored; and then, after duplicating all these before-named charges, and adding on the cost of manufacturing, after months or years the same pound of cotton reaches the planter in Louisiana, increased ten and ten hundred times in price. Now, put the cotton mills and looms alongside of the planter, and does not every one see that all these charges, except the single cost of the manufacturing, is saved to the producer? And should the planter become manufacturer, the whole of these profits and costs are saved to the country, which would otherwise go to the foreign insurance company, the ship-owner, the railroad company, the commission merchant, the banker, and the manufacturer. And what has been said of the pound of cotton applies also to the bushel of wheat; and the farmer and the cotton grower, under free trade, sell at the lowest price, and buy at the highest price. By bounties or a tariff upon all articles of foreign manufacture made of raw materials of home growth, you transfer the factories to your own country and build up your own industries and obey the laws of common-sense. Under the leadership of my distinguished relative, Henry Clay, upon these principles was built up the ‘American system,’ so-called in opposition to the free tracers, who were the real defenders of British interests. So that, by the protective tariff, we have become the rivals of England, not only in our own markets, but in all the world.

“In consequence of the existence of slave labor in the south our tariff system benefited only the free States, and the south continued to be only producers of the raw materials till the breaking out of the rebellion. The consequence was that a four years war ruined the south, while the north remains, at the end of it, as flourishing as at the beginning. The true policy is not to declare absolutely for free ‘trade’ or protection,’ but to subject both systems to a wise statesmanship. As a general rule every nation should manufacture its own raw products into the highest forms of value, and then export them to foreign countries; that is the trade which, being most useful to each, would best promote the common interests of all the nations.

“What I regard as proper objects of free trace are what we cannot produce or manufacture at home. I would take my ermine from Russia, my figs from Smyrna, my tea from China my pepper from Java, my silks from Italy, my truffles from France, and my philanthropic lectures from England. What America wants is universal education and equality before the law. We want railroads and canals and freedom of interior commerce. From these will come skilful labor, manufactures, scientific agriculture, a dense population, accumulated capital, and a profitable foreign commerce. Of these will come plenty in peace and power in war.

“For Russia, under different social and political forms, remain the same principles, and a similar policy, and the same destiny. My aspirations are for her continued growth from the roots of her long-planted civilization.

“One God, one government, one language, and one undivided nation forever!”

At the conclusion of Mr. Clay’s speech, Mr. Chijoff, one of the invited guests, made the following remarks:

“Gentlemen: Thanking you most sincerely for having invited me to the present dinner in honor of our esteemed guests, I beg your permission to say a few words concerning the similarities of their great country and ours. These similarities have often been remarked. They are so numerous and so significant that De Tocqueville, upwards of thirty years ago, on one of the last pages of his famous work, “Democracy in America,” pointed to Russia and America as the two colossi destined to solve the great problem of the future; and of a truth we have much in common which belongs to us alone.

“Both we and the United States have increased and grown to gigantic size without foreign aid. Europe looks upon us both with an unfriendly eye, while neither Russia nor America have ever coveted an inch of her territory, nor thought of violent interference in her politics. We have never made demand upon her nor asked of her a favor. We Russians and Americans give a hospitable asylum to her overflowing population; we share with her our granaries, and give her a market for her luxuries.

“Having been the editor of a journal devoted to political economy, I have been most struck with the similarity of ideas upon this science in both Russia and America.

“Many of us, yielding to the influence of the doctrines of western Europe, proclaim a complete cosmopolitanism in manufactures and commerce, forgetting that with us the conditions of labor are more difficult, on account of climate, sparse population, and immense distances, so that knowledge is acquired at a much higher price. We find that it is impossible to leave this costly labor without protection from labor much cheaper. And it is impossible and unjust to condemn our laboring brethren to be the hewers of wood and drawers of water for Europe, according to the friendly advice of our neighbors.

“Europe furnishes both Russia and America not with the necessaries but the luxuries of life, consequently if we are blinded by her teachings we oppress our laborers for the pleasure of a small class who know neither want nor the suffering of never-ending toil.

“Having been a servant of science from my youth, I desire here to make an explanation. Science is not at fault, nor European teachings, but we ourselves. Political economy as a science grew up on the soil of western Europe, and generalized her laws from the phenomena of western European life. Appearing upon the virgin soil of two immense countries, she had to deal with new elements. It is our duty to apply her laws to the new situation, and not slavishly to subject ourselves to the teachings of others. I will not enter into an explanation of the causes of our subjection. Europe, from the time of the middle ages, by means of the strictest trade regulations and by Draconian laws for the protection of labor, stopping neither at the cutting off of hands nor even at the death penalty itself, succeeded in bringing manufactures to a high degree of technical perfection.

“The people of the United States and of Russia proceed more simply, and dispense with these harsh measures; and God grant that, without the past cruelties of Europe, we shall attain the same results by the simple protection of home labor. To the honor of America be it said, that the learned Carey has shown most clearly and convincingly that the highest and truest indications of science are to be attained not by slavish submission to theory, but by a profound consideration of the wants of national labor. While Europe and her adherents on hemispheres looked with ridicule and contempt on our protection of home labor, commerce, and manufactures, she, not unmindful of her own interests, demanded of America and of us complete submission to her so-called free trade. Against these demands the American Carey boldly raised the banner of protection for home labor of every description. Thank God this banner is winning more and more adherents every day, and bringing the so-called free traders on both continents to their senses. They are beginning to see in the manufacturer and tradesman not a heartless egotist, sacrificing everything to his own gain, but an active and genuine promoter of his country’s interests.

“To the American scholar Carey, whom we had the pleasure of seeing among us a few years ago, belongs the honor, if not of raising this banner, of supporting it most efficiently and successfully; and the last American tariff is a national recognition of the benefits of Mr. Carey’s teachings.

“Gentlemen, I propose a toast to the health of Mr. Carey, as the able defender of home labor in all its forms.”

Mr. Axenhoff, a Moscow manufacturer, called attention to the other side of the question in the following speech:

“Gentlemen: So much has already been said that I am afraid to exhaust your patience, but I beg you will allow me one moment. We have just drunk the health of Mr. Carey, as an advocate of the protective system; but allow me, gentlemen, to say that Mr. Carey considers this system a mere temporary measure, as a means to develop home industry; here occurs to me another authority—one nearer home—one of the guests of the present dinner—a member of the committee which has framed the answer to the proposition of the Zollverein one of our leading manufacturers, the esteemed Mr. Morogoff. A few days ago, in conversation, he gave utterance to the following maxim: ‘A tariff should serve as a barometer of the development of manufactures in a country.’

“Supported by these two authorities, a theoretical one abroad, and a practical one at home, I offer a toast, with the wish that Russia and America may attain such an industrial development that, instead of fearing, they shall desire free trade.”

The long series of speeches was closed by the following toast from Mr. Yakunachikoff, president of the council:

Gentlemen: After many toasts and greetings, I beg your attention for one moment. The present festival is inseparably connected with the place where our children are educated. We are within the walls of the Mercantile Academy, an institution which, like the schools of the United States, is supported by private means.

“Devoted to this institution from a sense of duty and from feelings of affection, I value the present rare moment, which affords us an opportunity to give our best wishes for the success of commercial education.

“Gentlemen, I propose a toast for the success and progress of commercial education in the national spirit, on sound principles, for the good of our country.”

After these words, pronounced with much spirit, and received with hearty applause, Mr. Gorboff asked permission to fill the glasses once more, and said:

“Gentlemen, we have finished all the toasts proposed, but there still remains one obligatory on us all in the present moment. Having said so much about protection of industry, accumulation of wealth, extension of commercial relations, and building of fleets, we, sitting here, without care or sorrow at the present happy moment, in this hall so beautifully warmed and lighted, should not forget those by whose toil-hardened hands our wealth is collected, our wares manufactured, our fleets and cities built, and all the material wonders of civilization created. My toast is as follows: Let as raise our glasses, flowing to the brim, and with one soul and one heart, let us wish uninterrupted and general improvement in the condition of the toiling laborers of all the world, no matter to what nation they may belong.”

The sentiment of this toast touched the heart of the hearers, and a burst of applause eloquently expressed the sympathy of all.

About 8 o’clock the guests began to leave the table, when suddenly their attention was arrested by Mr. Chijoff, who repeated the greeting of the late Mr. Aksakoff to Moscow, in verse. So great was the satisfaction of the hearers, that he was obliged to give it a second time.

The short interval between dinner and the departure of the guests was employed in listening to a few national songs, sung by the cheir of Molchanoff.

Our national songs so pleased General Clay that he requested that both songs and music be given him.

On the General’s departure from the hall an album of photographic views of Moscow and the history of the Moscow Practical Academy of Commercial Science were presented to him.

1. In Russian, instead of the family name, the Christian name and that of the person’s father, with the addition of “vitch,” meaning son, is used.