Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department, Nos. 1772 and 1773.
The information received in the first of these, dated the 4th instant, came in confirmation of the telegraphic intelligence printed in the newspapers. The effect of the action of the government upon the public mind here has been very great. I have received in social circles the most marked and pointed expressions of their sense of it from many leading persons of both parties. At no time since the revolution has the reputation of the country stood so high in Europe as it does now. I am the more gratified in mentioning this fact, the natural consequence of the firm and elevated policy pursued by the government since the year 1861, that it does not seem to me to have been as yet so fully appreciated at home as it should be.
By a singular coincidence the declaration of war by Prussia and Italy against Austria was issued on the 18th instant, the very same day that the domestic struggle in the House of Commons here on the reform bill was brought to an end by the defeat of the ministry on an incidental vote, and their resignation. The Queen having, against the advice of the cabinet, betaken herself to the most remote part of the kingdom for a time, causes, by her absence at such a distance, a period of suspense in the arrangement, which has necessitated an adjournment of Parliament over to Monday. As yet nothing more definite is known. The general expectation is that Lord Derby will be called upon to form a new combination out of the heterogeneous elements before him. In the face of the complication in Europe, which is daily assuming greater proportions, as well as the very limited support which his lordship can be sure of in the present House of Commons for any policy which he would be likely to pursue, it seems as if an appeal to the country could not be very long delayed. This can hardly fail to be the signal for the commencement of a popular agitation which may before it ends shake the country to its foundations. If the testimate of the liberal party be correct, that this reform bill embraces a grant of the suffrage to two hundred thousand of the adult male population, it can scarcely be imagined that so material an element in the state will have no power ultimately to affect its opinions even though unable to take any immediate part in its action. These people have the advantage of the concessions which have been wrung from all sides of the substantial justice of their claim so consideration. Here is a nucleus around which must gather every kind of discontent that may be developed by events. I cannot help thinking that the tristocracy, which in its terror of John Bright and the influence of American institutions, has refused to accept the very moderate change now proposed, will run the risk of being forced in the end to consent to a much more radical and extensive one. The longer the claims are denied, the more overpowering may be their final success. But as we are now only at the threshold, it is of course but of the question to pretend to see far into the distance of the future. I shall endeavor to keep you informed of the facts as they gradually disclose themselves to the public observation.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.