Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-ninth Congress, Part I
Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams
Sir: You will receive herewith a copy of intercepted correspondence, which will be found to support the protests you have been instructed to offer to her Majesty’s government against the use of the British provinces on our border as a base for aggression, robbery, and murder.
The original papers are in my hands. We know that they are genuine. You will use them as shall seem expedient. They are preceded by extracts from a report of Major General Augur, by whom the bearer of the illicit correspondence was arrested. That report describes the intercepted correspondence.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.
[Untitled]
* * * * * * * *
In conjunction with Colonel Wells I have examined the papers found upon his person, and herewith transmit them for the consideration of the War Department. They are as follows, viz: Two envelopes and enclosures. The first of these envelopes has no address written upon it, but bears upon its reverse a seal in red wax, impressed apparently by an ordinary signet-ring. Though the wax has been somewhat broken, the letters C. C. C. jr., or the main portions thereof, can be made out. This envelope contains two enclosures. The first is a letter upon a single sheet of white note-paper, of a very thin description, like the envelope which contains it. This letter is dated St. Catharine’s, Canada West, and is addressed to “My Dear Ginnie.” It is also marked No. 20 at its head, but has no signature. At the bottom of the 4th page is a sort of postscript, marked H. L. C., and urging that an immediate answer should be sent. There is also posted at the head of the note a “Personal,” cut from some newspaper, addressed to “Mrs. Caroline V. Tracy,” and signed “T. E. Lacy.”
The second enclosure in this envelope is a letter written upon one and a half sheets of thin blue letter-paper, also dated at “St. Catharine’s, Canada West, November 1,” addressed to the ““Hon. J. P. Benjamin, secretary of state, Richmond, Va.” It relates to the recent attack upon St. Albans, Vermont; and also to one Captain Cole, a rebel officer, captured on the United States steamer Michigan, and appeals to the confederate government to recognize and acknowledge the acts of these parties. This first envelope and its two enclosures I have marked letter A. The second envelope is also of thin white paper, but bears neither seal nor address. It contains three enclosures; first a thin piece of blank blue paper covering two letters. The first of these letters is dated “October 31, 1864,” without the name of the place at which it was written. It is addressed at the top, “My own Dearest,” and is signed, “Your devoted husband,” but without the name of the writer.
This letter, as well as its companion in the same envelope, is written upon thin blue letter paper, precisely like that contained in the envelope marked A. The other letter in this [Page 14] second envelope bears neither date nor address at the top, but is headed “Extract from the proposition of, sent forward.” It relates to the proposition of a party in the United States to furnish provisions for the rebel army, on the Mississippi river, and at places within General Butler’s department. The second envelope and its enclosures I have marked B.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
[Copied from a pressed copy that is in many places illegible.]
[1864—No. 20.]
[Printed advertisement pasted on.]
Mrs. Caroline V. Tracy, care of Major Cowan, Macon, Ga. : Don’t sail or join me unless Lawson says I must stay. I hope to return in November. I have written weekly. None from you since June 30. Have seen Jennie.
T. E. LACY.
(Richmond Enquirer and Macon Telegraph please copy.)
My Dear Ginnie: I am disappointed, mortified, and distressed, and almost dead this morning at receiving not one line from you or any kin in Dixie. It is 8 o’clock a., m. I arose an hour ago, dressed, and went to the post office for letters, as our mail from Halifax was due. I returned with three for Bev. Tucker, from his wife,, of 13th, 20th, and 30th ult., one from his daughter, and two from friends—six letters from home; and thus it has been ever since I reached here. He gets his regular mail, with three or more letters from his wife and as many from others. I’ve received one letter from Lawson and two from you since I reached Canada, the last dated 30th June. These are all I have got since in Canada; and six letters from you since leaving you six months ago are all ever received. Now, am I not encouraged to write and to write often by tender appeals or monitions for intelligence of me? Am I not repaid for writing regularly every week or ten days to you, determined to take every chance of communicating with you? The only thing I have heard from you, save through others, since, yours of 30th June, which reached me 15th September, was your personal of 20th September, which reached me at Quebec, where I had gone on business on 13th December. I immediately enclosed to Jennie my answer to it and $10 to pay for yours and mine. It will not, however, appear in the News till 29th October. I know not what was then addressed to Caroline Tracy. I enclose it; but you will get it and understand. I have also since sent a personal to Colonel H. L. Clay, which I hope he and you will see, inquiring, “Can I return at once? If not, let my wife come to me by flag-of-truce boat, via Washington city, if she can; but not otherwise.” I was surprised and distressed by your personal. As I told you, the President did not expect me to stay longer than the early part of this month, and you knew it would require quite a month, under favorable circumstances, to get to me. I could not understand why you should come to me to go back immediately. I inferred either that you had learned I was to stay here all winter, or that you did not hear from me, or that some fresh affliction had come upon you, that made you feel like flying to me for comfort. Oh, what anxiety and suspense I have endured! Money cannot compensate for it. If I could only have had a personal every two weeks of about two words only—all well—I should have been quite cheerful. As it is, in utter ignorance of the condition of her I love best, whether living or dead, sick or well, in comfort or in want, contented or miserable, I cannot but feel disquieted and anxious, and rather unhappy. God grant you and all my dear kin life, health, comfort, and content, until we meet again on earth, is my daily and nightly prayer.
I sent you immediately after getting your letter by Bev. Tucker all the articles you wrote for, and several more for yourself, dear Lestia, and Matt. They reached Halifax, were sent by the Ellen, which got into the port of Wilmington, and I therefore trust have been long since delivered to you by the express company, by whom they were to be carried thence. I also sent a magnificent fan, a present from George N. Sanders, and two very superior pairs of winter shoes, some six or eight weeks since. I again sent you, about two weeks ago, a package of flannel, Balmoral, dresses, stockings, gloves, collars, cuffs, &c., among them the best black silk I could find here. Accompanying each I have written to you at length. The last was the most valuable of the packages sent. I hope you have, got them all and enjoy them very much. Some of these last articles were for dear Lestia, as you will see, if they ever reach you. I shall send this by an underground railroad, addressed to Lawson, who will open, read, and forward to you forthwith. I hope, too, if in Georgia, he will telegraph you, on receipt of letter, that he has it, that they are well, and that he has forwarded it by express; for I mistrust the mails. My health continues very good, notwithstanding my anxiety and distress, and I certainly look better than for many years. I intend, if I am not. instructed to remain, to leave here for Halifax by the instant at farthest, and to try my. [Page 15] best to get to you as soon as possible. But Wilmington is so closely blockaded now that it is very hard to get in, and I may be captured in trying to do so; and if Fisher and Caswell are taken, or the enemy get over the bar with war vessels, I may have to go to Galveston, Texas, or even to, and across the Rio Grande, which may require some months ere you can hear from me. I think I shall try Wilmington, if any-blockade runner ventures in after I get to Halifax. If it is desired that I stay here through the winter, you must try and get a safe conduct and come to me by flag: of truce through the United States. I cannot endure the thought of living till spring without you. I trust I shall get an answer to my personal to Lawson from him saying, “You can return” or “You must stay,” so as to settle my purpose. Jake says he will stay till March.; but I won’t, unless desired by the President. Something may turn up to change my views. I trust Lawson will receive this by the bearer, sealing it as this is, so as to show if it has been tampered with. I write on this thin paper, and put in as thin an envelope, and seal with a friend’s seal, (C. C. C., Jr.) Let Lawson say what seal he puts on the answer, and Urge the secretary to give the bearer their answers as soon as possible. L.’s answer need not be signed by him, and may be addressed to Bevins Giles, St. Catharine’s, C. W. Now, I am sure you have written to me at least twice a month. Try now personals and letters one page long, by flag of truce, to Mrs. R. E. Coxe, (wife of our friend,) Poughkeepsie, New York, and sign your name distinctly, Caroline V. Tracy, so that Mrs. Coxe may know who you are. With love to you and my kin and servants (?,) and invoking God’s blessing on you all, I am, as ever, yours, with more love and reverence than should be given to any earthly creature. Farewell—I hope not a long farewell—my precious, darling Ginnie.
H. L. C.:
Hand the within as directed immediately, and send answer of secretary within twenty four hours from delivery.
[Untitled]
Sir: You have doubtless learned through the press of the United States of the raid on St. Albans, Vermont, by about twenty-five confederate soldiers, nearly all of them escaped prisoners, led by Lieutenant Bennett H. Young; of their attempt and failure to burn the town, and of the robbery of three banks there of the aggregate amount of about $180,000; of their arrest in Canada by United States forces, their commitment, and the pending preliminary trial. There are twelve or fourteen of the twenty-five who have been arrested, and who are now in prison at Montreal, where the trial for commitment for extradition is now progressing. A letter from Hon. J. J. M. Abbott, the leading counsel for the prisoners, dated Montreal, 28th October, says to me: “We” (prisoners’ counsel) “all think it quite clear that the facts will not justify a commitment for extradition under the law as it stands; and we conceive the strength of our position to consist in the documents we hold establishing the authority of the raiders from the Confederate States government. But there is no doubt that this authority might be made more explicit than it is, in so far as regards the particular acts complained of; and I presume the confederate government will consider it to be their duty to recognize officially the acts of Lieutenant Young and his party, and will find means to convey such recognition to the prisoners here in such a form as can be proven before our courts. If this were accompanied or followed by a demand upon our government that the prisoners be set at liberty, I think a good effect would be produced, although, probably, the application would not be received by the authorities. There will be at least a fortnight’s time, and probably more, expended in the examination of witnesses, so that there will be plenty of time for anything that may be thought advisable to be done in behalf of the prisoners.” I met Mr. Young at Halifax, on my way here, in May last. He showed me letters from men whom I knew by reputation to be true friends of State rights, and therefore of southern independence, vouching for his integrity as a man, his piety as a Christian, and his loyalty as a soldier of the south. After satisfying me that his heart was with us in our struggle, and that he had suffered imprisonment for many months as a soldier of the Confederate States, from which he had escaped, he developed his plans for retaliating some of the injuries and outrages inflicted upon the south. 1 thought them feasible and fully war ranted by the law of nations, and therefore recommended him and his plans to the secretary of war. He was sent sent back by the secretary of war with a commission as second lieutenant, to execute his plans and purposes, but report to Hon. and myself. We prevented his achieving or attempting what I am sure he could have done for us, and which may be fully explained hereafter. Finally, disappointed in his original purpose, and in all the subsequent enterprises projected, he purposed to return to the Confederate States, via Halifax, but passing through the New England States and burning some towns and robbing them of whatever he could convert to the use of the confederate government.
This I approved as justifiable retaliation. He attempted to burn the town of St. Albans, Vermont, and would have succeeded but for the failure of the chemical preparations with which he was armed. Believing the town was already fired in several places, and must be destroyed, he then robbed the banks of all the funds he could find, amounting to more than [Page 16] $200,000. That he was not prompted by selfish or mercenary motives, and that he did not intend to convert the funds taken to his own use, but to that of the Confederate States, I am as well satisfied as I am that he is an honest man, a true soldier and patriot; and no one who knows him will question his title to this character. He assured me, before going on the raid, that his efforts would be to destroy towns and farm-houses, not to plunder or rob; but, he said, if after firing a town, he saw he could take funds from a bank, or anything which might inflict injury on the enemy and benefit his own government, he would do so. He added, most emphatically, that whatever he took should be turned over to the government or its representatives in foreign lands. My instructions to him, oft-repeated, were, “to destroy whatever was valuable—not to stop to rob; but if, after firing a town, he could seize and carry off money or treasury or bank notes, he had a right to do so, upon condition that they were delivered to the proper authorities of the Confederate States.” That they were not delivered according to his promise and intention was owing, I am sure, to the failure of his chemical compound to fire the town, and to the capture of himself and men on Canadian soil, where being surprised and overpowered by superior numbers from the United States. On showing me his commission and his instructions from Mr. Seddon, which were of course vague and indefinite, he said he was authorized to do all the damage he could to the enemy in the way of retaliation. If this be true, it seems to me the Confederate States government should not hesitate to avow his act was fully authorized as warrantable retaliation. If the government do not assume the responsibility of this raid, I think Lieutenant Young and his men will be given up to the United States authorities. If so, I fear the exasperated and alarmed people of Vermont will excite cruel and summary vengeance upon them before they reach the prison of St. Albans.
The sympathies of nine-tenths of the Canadians are with Young and his men—a majority of all the newspapers justify or excuse his act as merely retaliation—and they desire only the authority of the Confederate States government for it to resist their extradition. The refusal of extradition is fully warranted by the like course of the United States in many cases cited lately in the Canadian papers, which I cannot now repeat, but which you can readily find. The refusal of extradition would be of a salutary political influence it is thought, both in the British provinces and in England. I cannot now explain why. I trust, therefore, for the sake not only of the brave soldiers who attempted this daring exploit, which has caused’ a panic throughout the United States bordering on Canada, and the organization of forces to resist, as well as the arbitrary and tyrannous order of General Dix touching the coming presidential election, but for the sake of our cause and country, that the President will assume the responsibility of the act of Lieutenant Bennett H. Young, and that you will signify it in such form as will entitle it to admission as evidence in the pending trial.
I send the special messenger who bears this that your answer may be brought back by him within ten days, or by the 11th instant. The final judgment can and will be postponed for the action of the Confederate States government as long as possible, certainly for ten days.
I avail myself of this opportunity to bring to your notice the case of Captain Charles H. Cole, another escaped prisoner of General Forrest’s command, who was taken about six weeks since in the Michigan, (the federal war steamer on Lake Erie,) and is charged with an attempt at piracy, (for attempting to capture the vessel,) with being a spy, &c. The fact is that he projected and came very near executing a plan for the capture of that vessel and the rescue of the prisoners on Johnson’s island. He failed only because of the return of the Captain (Carter) of the Michigan a day sooner than expected, and the betrayal (in consequence of C.’s return) of the entire plot. The only plausible ground for charging him with being a spy is, that he was in Sandusky, on Johnson’s island, and on the Michigan frequently, without having on his person the confederate uniform, but wearing the dress of a private citizen. Mr. ____and I have addressed a letter to the commandant at Johnson’s island, protesting against his being treated as a spy, for the following reasons: “That he was in the territory of the United States as a prisoner against his consent; that he escaped by changing his garb; that he had no confederate uniform when he visited Sandusky, Johnson’s island, and the Michigan; that he did not visit them as an emissary from the Confederate States; that whatever he conceived, he had not executed anything; that he had conveyed no information to his government, and did not contemplate conveying any information to the government.” His trial has been postponed. I know not why, or for what time. His exchange should be proposed, and notice given that any punishment inflicted on him will be retaliated upon an officer of equal rank. He is a very brave and daring soldier, and patriotic, and deserves the protection of his government.
I wrote to you on the 14th June, to the President 25th June, and to you on 11th August and 12th September last. I trust you received those letters. Mr.(who I see has gotten into the Confederate States) has doubtless explained things here. I have never received a line from you or any person excepting my brother at Richmond. I have not changed the views expressed in my former communications. All that a large portion of the northern people, especially in the northwest, want to resist the despotism at Washington is a leader. They are ripe for resistance, and it may come soon after the presidential election. At all events it must come, if our armies are not overcome and destroyed or dispersed, No people of the Anglo-Saxon blood can long endure the usurpations and tyrannies of Lincoln. Democrats are more hated by modern republicans than southern rebels, and will be as much outraged [Page 17] and persecuted if Lincoln is re-elected. They must yield to a cruel and disgraceful despotism or fight. They feel it and know it.
I do not see that I can achieve anything by remaining longer in this province; and unless instructed to stay, shall leave here by the 20th instant for Halifax, and take my chances for running the blockade. If I am to stay till spring I wish my wife to join me, under flag of truce, if possible. I am afraid to risk a winter’s residence in this latitude and climate.
I need not sign this; the bearer and the person to whom it is addressed can identify me; but I see no reason why your response should not be signed and sealed, so as to make it serviceable as suggested in respect to the St. Albans raid. A statement of prisoners’ counsel has been sent by way of Halifax and Wilmington, but it may never reach you, or not in time for the deliverance of the prisoners. This is my chief reason for sending this by one I think I can trust.
Please reply promptly, and start the messenger back as soon as possible. He will explain the character of his mission. Send under a seal that cannot be broken without being discovered.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant.
Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, Richmond. Va.
N. B.—See the secretary of war, (Mr. Seddon,) touching Young’s case.
B.
My own Dearest: The party taking this leaves here to-night. If he reaches you safely he will deliver most important communications from Mr. C. and myself. I must ask you and May to copy mine in large handwriting, that it may be easily and intelligently read. R. will show it you. If either or both the plans are acceded to, I must remain here during the winter, and, therefore, I must beg you and A. to join me if you can come through the north; if not, do not attempt the blockade; it is too perilous, and I should be wretched to think you were coming that way. If these plans, which I have labored to perfect as I never labored before in all my life, are not adopted, then I can see no further object in my remaining here, and you need not join me, but I will you as soon as possible. I do not, however, anticipate a refusal by the department to acquiesce, for all our friends here whom I have consulted consider the plan most eligible and fortunate for the government. Indeed, this will be in a short time at least the only course we have left open. If all is well, therefore, I shall expect you to leave as soon as you conveniently can after you have been informed of the favorable entertainment of the enterprise.
I received all your letters written at Afton, in September, down to your letter of the 30th September, the day you returned to Richmond, this morning, and what a glorious, comforting treat they were to me !Tell Mr._____ his usual scratch note, which I managed better to read than usual; and that I will send his letter to Miss K. promptly. Tell him she paid me a visit, taking lunch with me, and leaving me a shawl for him, which I will send or bring him when I can. She seems to be very devoted to him. I sent him a letter from her via Hali fax, or Washington.
How thankful I am, my own love, that our kind Father in heaven has preserved our dear boys through so many changes, and you, my own precious darling, and little A., and dear E., in health and christian patience through so many trials and privations. O! may He give me a grateful and humble heart for all his wonderful mercies towards me—unworthy, sinful creature that I am.
Mag’s letter, by flag of trace, of 17th of October, is the latest intelligence from you. I shall send a personal directed to little A. to-morrow, which you may get before this. Do stir R. to attend to my business promptly and energetically and with life and spirit. I would do as much, and a thousand times more, for him were it in my power. I sympathize truly with J. W. Tower and his family. Give him my love. How blessed are we in the dispositions and habits of our boys. I hope you have received before this the shirts, hats, cloth, the shoes sent you, all from Toronto; the cavalry boots and uniform for Jim, and fifty dollars in American gold, sent you by the Hon. J. P. K., who I see got safely in, although the steamer was lost, and Mrs. Grenhowe and other lives.
I have tried to communicate with my dear sister and send her a little gold, but have been wholly unsuccessful in both. May the Father to whom she is so faithful have her and her dear ones, to the third generation, in his holy keeping. I am grieved to hear our noble, brave boy is so destitute of clothes, but hope ere this his wants have been supplied. I am surprised that the president has not even replied to your application for a cadetship for him. Don’t give it up. General Custis Lee might help you.
My thumb is entirely well, but I have given it, of necessity, a great tax this morning, having been writing for five or six hours without resting. I shall await anxiously replies to these, particularly as reunion with my darling depends upon it. May God bless you.
Yours, &c.
[Page 18]Extract from the proposition of (Sent forward.)
He promised, by showing me to my entire satisfaction that the parties whom he represents, and is connected with, are powerful and influential with the government of the United States. He says, through the influence of the parties referred to, I have arranged to get at least one-half supplies, (meat,) the other half greenbacks, for all the cotton your (our) government may feel disposed to part with—the first five or ten thousand barrels of pork or bacon to be landed at any port Mr. Seddon may designate, on the east side of the Mississippi, or as much more on the west side, if General Kirby Smith, or any other confederate commander, needs them. After this delivery the way is perfectly clear to deliver anywhere within General Butler’s department. It must, of course, be obvious to you (me) that a concession so great was made only with the understanding that it should be kept with the most sacred secrecy; and although it presents upon its face a general rule for the sake of protecting the Executive (Mr. Lincoln) to whom alone we are indebted—the main intention is that it should be carried out by my (his) own friends, and such others as only will be useful to us. In order, then, that we may have the fullest benefit from the arrangement, I would suggest that what may be done shall be done in the name of a single individual, or his agent, bo far as the delivery of the supplies and the receipt of the cotton are concerned; touching the disposition of the portion paid in funds, this can be received and disposed of as you (the department) may determine—either in the United States, or in Europe, or in the Canadas, by instant conversion into.
To show how thoroughly the enterprise has been arranged, there are now 10,000 barrels of pork purchased and ready for shipment, the moment the details are perfected, &c., &c.
It was then purposed to get me a pass to go through the lines, but in this I fear they have failed, and that the alternative course has been adopted, to wit, sending the goods by the hand of Mr. D. Preston Parr or Mr. Iolosa. We to the plan. I would urge through you upon the department, first, that the only objectionable feature in it consists in the receiving greenbacks for one-half of the cotton instead of provisions for the whole, for the reason that it is the policy of the government (ours) not to trade in the currency of the enemy or countenance such trade by the people. The wisdom of the regulation in the abstract is clear. Indiscriminate barter in this money would of course be seductive and dangerous. But this objection does not lie with the same force in operations of government; and if it did, it is weakened if not wholly removed by the fact that these funds need not and would not enter into the circulation within our own country, but could be paid over to agents designated by the government, either in the United States, Canada, or Europe, and at once be converted into sterling. Thus their possession and immediate conversion would place foreign funds at any point desired, either for purchase, payment of interest, &c, &c. Again, the programme submitted commends itself to favorable consideration, as that it is indorsed by the highest official in the United States government. Certainty of execution and expedition are thus secured. Our ability and facility for producing this kind of provisions are daily becoming more circumscribed and precarious by the presence of large armies and their destructive raids in the rural districts. We are left, then, mainly to rely upon what may be introduced through the blockade; but we may be said now to have only one port where the success of blockade-running is at all commensurate to the risk incurred. This port is Wilmington; and we have it from the most indubitable source that great efforts will presently be made to capture Wilmington; or, failing in this, to seal far more rigorously her port. Where, then, are we to look for those indispensable supplies, if not through the cupidity and avarice of our enemies ? To gratify them is as hateful to me, I trust, as to any compatriot in my land; but starvation, or even scanty or uncertain rations to our patient, enduring, and excellent army is a more fearful and abhorrent alternative. Under these circumstances I think it behooves us to embrace the opportunity offered to supply ourselves with the great necessity. I believe it is, if not the only, the surest and most expeditious mode of accomplishing the object upon a sufficient and certain scale.
The provision question in the terrible struggle for our national existence is one, if not the greatest, we have had to solve; and if my mission shall result in the inauguration of a plan for the certain subsistence of our noble armies, I shall be as thankful to God as if I had achieved a successful military campaign. Should it, on the other hand, be attended with failure, (albeit no fault of mine if these plans are not accepted,) I should never feel happy if I had not remained to share the discomforts, danger and trials of the humblest soldier in our ranks. Independent and outside of this I have made a contract with a party by which supplies of meat will be furnished at Mobile by written permission of the President of the United States to the free passage of the blockading fleet at that port. The first steamer has already sailed, but she only carried 300 barrels of pork—the rest assorted cargo; but I am assured by the party “that if there is no delay or difficulty at Mobile the steamer’s trips will be hereafter from New Orleans, where cargoes of meat provided from St. Louis will go rapidly in and receive cotton upon the terms of my order, a pound of cotton for a pound of meat.” He then proceeds to say: “If this arrangement fail, it will be because of difficulties on the other side; meaning with us! My contract with the party is for the delivery of 5,000,000 of pounds; and this is in accordance with the order. But there are other important considerations in this plan. The President authorizes the breaking the blockade. What complications may not [Page 19] be produced by this with foreign governments ?” I gave the party a letter to the military, naval, and civil authorities, requesting safe ingress and egress for any ship or steamer or vessels of any character under the provisions of my contract.
Under these circumstances, and Judge C. desiring to send a special messenger home, I have united with him in sending, at much expense, a young man whom we believe to be sound and trustworthy. His engagement is to go directly through, deliver these and other papers, and return to us with replies. Accordingly I send him at once to you, believing that public and personal considerations will impel you to lay before the secretary with great promptness, reading them to him yourself, suggesting that he advise the authorities at Mobile without delay of such an arrangement, that their aid and co-operation will be given to such deliverances, &c, &c. You will know, by a reference to boyhood’s days, at the conclusion of this, that it is genuine, and that the party who bears it is “all right.” Any replies you have to send let them be written on as thin paper as possible, and sealed with your large seal, that I may be equally secure that the communications are genuine, and have not been tampered with. God bless you and yours and all ours, and deliver us and our bleeding country from the hands of our enemies !
Do you recollect Ottie Harrison, and how much like me you thought him because he was rough ? “Oh, but no rougher than you; no, but big.”
You had better get dear J. & M. to copy this distinctly and in large writing. I have written it thus for obvious reasons.