Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward
SIr. The effect of the news of the storming of Fort Fisher, and the closing of the navigation to Wilmington, has been considerable. It is helping to bring on something of the state of feeling which I hinted at as possible in my despatch, No. 865, of last week.
The measures in agitation at Washington, and especially against Canada, are now prominently brought forward in some presses, and still more in private conversation, as indicating a determined spirit of enmity to this country. The event of a reconciliation between the parties, which is regarded as not by any means so impossible as it was formerly, is assumed to be likely to happen simultaneously with a declaration of war against Great Britain, and an advance of the joint armies of the parties into Canada. It is then whispered about that the really wise way to avert so grave a danger would be to anticipate it by sustaining the insurgents so far as to prevent their ruin, even though it should be at the hazard of a war.
The prevalence of this sort of conversation among people of some influence, especially on the conservative side, has been reported to me from such a source as leads me to attach importance to it. The feeling is just in that state, on the meeting of Parliament, when the occurrence of any untoward event might be seized upon to give it vent.
[Page 113]On the other hand, the friends of the United States, both in and out of the government, have been so much encouraged by the entire series of late events in America, as to be far more unequivocal in advocating their cause than ever before. Nothing but some extraordinary error in policy on our part would avail to prevent them from steadily and effectively resisting all attempts to involve them in the struggle. The moral effect of our present situation is felt to be of great consequence to their own success in the general canvass which is about to follow the last session of this Parliament. On all sides the note of preparation is sounding. It is unquestionable that the liberal party is rapidly gaining courage and energy for the struggle. The speech of Lord Amberley, the son of Lord Russell, in opening the canvass at Leeds, is the keynote of the doctrines which the younger class of men of that side will infallibly be driven to adopt. I cannot, therefore, but feel it my duty to lay some stress upon the propriety of somewhat conforming the policy of our country towards Great Britain to the immediate exigency. From the very nature of things, the triumph of the liberal party is the success of all that portion of the people in England which sympathizes with us. On the other hand, the success of the conservatives would be the victory of an antagonist principle. Not that I am to be understood to imply that this would absolutely lead to war; so desperate a step as that would scarcely come from a party essentially timid in initiating a positive policy. It would only be hazarded in the contingency of a prevailing state of popular passion, like that which plunged the nation into the folly of the Crimean war. This is the only contingency in which I can view the chances of a rupture here as likely. But in order to bring about such a result, causes must operate not essentially dissimilar to those which were supplied by the wilful act of the ruling authority in Russia at that time. As the like causes appear now to be greatly within means of control by the President and the other branches of the federal government, I entertain the strongest confidence that they will not be permitted to operate.
Parliament assembles on Tuesday next. When the address is moved in each house it will be possible, perhaps, to gather from the debate some more correct notion of the state of feeling. Should there be anything of the kind, I shall endeavor to place a report of the proceedings in your hands at the earliest moment.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William. H. Seward. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.