Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-ninth Congress

[Extract.]

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward

No. 865.]

Legation of the United States. London, January 26, 1865.

Sir:* * * * * * * *

If there ever was a moment when a project of the kind referred to would have been entertained by the government here, that time has long passed by. The American policy of the ministry went through the trial of last session of Parliament with such universal assent, when every other part of its, foreign system was mercilessly attacked, that there is no disposition to open the matter again. Especially is this the case on account of the near approach of the dissolution. It is now understood that the coming session will not extend beyond the middle of July, immediately after which a general election will take place. It is whispered about in private circles that Lord Palmerston intends at that time to retire from his post. I do not trace the rumor to any authorized source, neither do I give it much credit. At the same time it cannot be doubted that his advanced age and growing infirmities may bring on such an event at any moment.

It is, on the other hand, a matter of some importance to us to keep in mind the fact that the probable issue of our difficulties is preparing for the higher classes connected with the opposition or conservative party a most profound disappointment. Even now they are by no means prepared to anticipate anything of the kind. In proportion as the prospect of it opens on them, will be the desire to do something in one way or another to avert the result. The new project alluded to in your despatch will for this reason be received by them with no small favor. It at once removes from their path the great obstacle which the support of a slave system presents to their advocacy of the cause before the moral and religious people of the country, and it revives their waning confidence in the physical ability of the rebels to sustain their struggle a while longer. Some attention will therefore be necessary to continue to avoid, so far as is possible, to furnish even plausible grounds for agitation against us. Whilst the course of the ministry may be depended oh with tolerable confidence, it is not unlikely that advantage will be taken of any opportunity that may be afforded to harass them on particular points. It cannot be doubted that the aristocracy feel this struggle to be one that may affect very deeply the permanence of their own privileges. In this connexion I would incidentally call your attention to an article in the Quarterly Review of this month, the text of which is, “The United States as an example.” The coming elections will unquestionably be more or less influenced by the precise state of our relations at the moment they take place. I would, therefore, beg permission to suggest the expediency of close observation of the course of opinion here for a few months to come, prior to the adoption of any measure on our side of the water which may by possibility be regarded as likely to affect it unfavorably. That there is yet a strong desire in certain quarters to do something cannot be doubted. Although held in complete check thus far, by the fear of possible consequences, that check will continue to operate only so long as the state of things appears unpropitious to indulgence in it. Any coincidence of reverses in the field, with the chance of special causes of national offence, would furnish the coveted opportunity. So fair as I am able to look forward into the future, I should say that this view embraced pretty much all the hazards we have left to encounter in this kingdom. I do not permit myself to doubt that the same wisdom which has thus far guided the policy of the President with success will be exercised in guarding us safely through to the end.

It is proper to note in this connexion that the story, originating doubtless in interested sources in Canada, of a probable recognition by this government by way of acceptance of the rebel proposition of emancipation, soon found its way into the newspapers here, and was deemed of sufficient importance to call for an immediate semi-official contradiction.

The speeches of members of Parliament to their constituents continue to be reported, even to the last moment. I notice the prevalence of a more confident tone among those who have been known as friendly to the United States. I would particularly specify those of Mr. Baxter at Blairgowrie, Mr. Leatham at Huddersfield, and Mr. Milner Gibson at Ashton-under-Lyne. On the other hand, the sympathizers with rebellion are more reticent than ever.

With regard to the great effort of Mr. Bright in answer to the conservative demonstration at Torquay, it has so powerful a bearing upon the domestic canvass of the ensuing season, that in discussing it I should be entering on a field quite too wide for the dimensions of the present despatch.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. William. H. Seward. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[From the Manchester Examiner and Times of January 25, 1865, enclosed with the foregoing despatch No. 865.]

Extract from the annual address of the Rt. Hon. T. Milner Gibson, president of the Board of Trade, delivered at Ashton-under-Lyne, on Tuesday, January 24.

“It may be thought right that I should say a few words upon a question which has excited the deepest interest throughout the whole of England, and most especially in this locality—I mean the question of the American war. I was one of those, from the commencement, that never ventured to make any prophecy as to what would be the result of this great conflict. I was always astonished at the confidence with which many asserted that the Union was irrevocably gone, and that America was rent in twain; and I was surprised at the ease with which they prejudged the question, or to the power of the United States to resist this great rebellion. The southern confederacy undertook by force of arms to cut asunder the American republic, to coerce the government of the United States into an agreement that there should be established a new republic, upon new principles—namely, one of which slavery was to be the fundamental basis—(loud cheers)—or, as has been repeatedly stated, a new edifice, of which slavery should be the chief stone of the corner; and I could not, as I have stated before, feel much sympathy for such a cause. I feel, naturally, strong sympathy with nations struggling for independence—trying by sometimes even violent means to overthrow despotism and tyranny; but the case here is entirely different—[hear]— because it was the case of a number of partners in a common firm, who separated from the rest in a violent manner,’ for the purpose of establishing principles which I am one of those who think will never permanently reignin this world. [Cheers,] The struggle between the south and the north has really been a struggle between slavery and freedom—[he,ar, hear; ‘no, no;’ cheers and counter cheers]—and I cannot see, myself, that this confederacy has at present shown any signs of being able to establish upon permanent foundations the empire which it has shadowed forth to the world. What is the present situation? The border States, which formed at first a part of the territory claimed by the confederacy, are all gone; all the debatable territory in which it was a question whether there was an inclination to the south or to the north, is now, I believe, under the control of the government of the United States; and, in point of fact, now this great conflict seems to be sustained mainly by three States only on the eastern shore, viz: North and South Carolina and a part of Virginia. [Cheers.] I have said before that at the commencement of this war a person who had long resided in the United States said to me: ‘Don’t venture upon predictions; don’t be a prophet in this matter; neither you nor I can tell what will be the result of this great conflict.’ And, therefore, though I am merely reciting what I believe to be facts, and which I have gleaned from the information that has reached us, still I will not venture even now to make any predictions; and I am here to say that her Majesty’s government are as disposed now as they ever have been to preserve a strict and impartial neutrality between the contending parties [Great cheering.] There are those in this country who would stir up ill feeling between England and the United States; there are those in the United States also who would stir’up, no doubt, ill feeling there towards England; there are these disturbing elements in all countries; but I am sure that the government of England have no other desire than to act towards the government of the United States in—to use the words of Washington—‘a spirit of exalted justice.’ [Cheers.] Their desire is to cultivate with the United States friendly feelings and relations of amity; and I hope and trust, and I believe, that the government of the United States is actuated by the same just and righteous feelings towards ourselves. [Cheers.] That there may be questions to discuss between two countries situated as we have been is very possible, but I will believe that these questions will be approached in a calm and dignified spirit, and be settled not by passion, but by reason. [Cheers.] It is not to be wondered at that much irritation has existed in the United States at the depredations that have been committed by armed ships that have sailed from and been fitted out in the ports of England. It is natural, and, seeing the vast damage these cruisers that sailed from a neighboring port have done to American commerce, one must not wonder that the press of America, and that many persons in that country, have expressed themselves in strong and passionate language upon this subject, especially during the course of a civil war.”

“On our side it must be remembered that the government has used all the means in its power to prevent these evasions of the law, and that there have been men in this country sufficiently unpatriotic under these circumstances to endeavor to escape from the law, and by artful management endeavor to accomplish what it was the intention of the foreign enlistment act to prevent; for it s not to be expected that patriotic Englishmen are to be willing to break the spirit of law, and are to feel satisfied if they have continued to keep within its letter, and within its technicalities. [Applause.] If you built a ship in Liverpool, and sent the arms from another port, and the crew from a third, and all the three parts of this ship-of-war met in some place out of the United Kingdom, seeing that the whole of the transaction took place by pre-arrangement in the United Kingdom, and that there was an unlawful intention guiding and pervading every part of that transaction—I say, the offence against the spirit of international law., and our own law, was as complete in that case as if the ship had sailed forth complete in all its parts from the port of Liverpool. [Cheers.] I am very sorry that these unfortunate questions should have arisen. If, when England had been at war with some foreign nation, and was succeeding in carrying on an effective blockade of the enemy’s ports, there sallied forth from some neutral country cruisers to burn and destroy British merchant vessels on the high seas, I know what the feelings of the people of this country would have been, [hear.] I know the passionate remonstrances that the government of the day would have received; and therefore I call upon every fair and just-minded man to make a fair allowance for the irritation which the conduct of these cruisers has caused among many persons in America. [Cheers.] I trust that we may see, when this war concludes, relations of permanent friendship established between the United States and England. We are natural allies; our principles are nearer to each other than the principles of any other two countries; we both ought to be in the van in the cause of liberty; and, I say, if you look to the material interests of England and the material interests of tie United States, it is impossible to conceive any greater disaster in the world’s history than that the relations between these two countnes should be interrupted, and that intercourse so beneficial to all should be suspended by any hostile or unfriendly feeling. [Cheers.] Let us hope that we are nearer a just and righteous settlement of this great war; that the emancipation of the slaves will be one of its consequences; and that our relations and our commerce with that country may be, the one as friendly and the other as great as it has ever been. [Cheers.] These are my cordial wishes, and I am quite certain that I am also expressing the hearty wishes of every intelligent person in this great assembly.

The right honorable gentleman concluded by again intimating his readiness to answer any question that might be addressed to him respecting any topic on which it might be considered he ought to speak; and he sat down amid loud and continued applause.

“A gentleman addressed the following inquiry to Mr. Gibson: Assuming that the States now known as the southern confederacy abolish legal property in slaves, will you endeavor to promote the adoption of that great and brave people into the family of nations?’ [Cheers, disapprobation, and cries of not a bit of it,’ &c. ]

“Mr. Gibson. I remember the late Sir Robert Peel—a great and eminent statesman, as you all know—giving this opinion to a young friend: “Never,’ he said, ‘answer a hypothetical question. [Cheers and laughter.] Never answer a question founded upon a supposition.’ Well, I must, with great respect, decline to say what I would do if something else happened. [Laughter. ] When the case arises, then is the time to deal with it, and decide what to do. [Cheers and prolonged laughter.]

“In reply to another question, Mr. Gibson assured the meeting it was untrue that he had ever voted on the question of the ballot, except in favor of its adoption.”

“On the motion of Mr. Alfred Reyner, (whose amusing speech was, as usual, the cause of great hilarity,) seconded by Mr. Alderman Darnton, a vote of thanks to Mr. Gibson, and expressive of the confidence of his friends, was unanimously carried. The right honorable gentleman having returned thanks, proposed a similar compliment to the chairman, which was also passed, and the proceedings terminated.”

[From the same.]

Extracts from the speech of Mr. Barnes, M. P., made to his constituents at Bolton, Tuesday, January 24.

“He would now come to the subject in which, perhaps, they felt a little interest; and that was the question of reform. [Applause.] There was great diversity of opinion as to the expediency of extending the franchise, and some people pointed to America as an unanswerable objection to such a course. Well, he had looked at America, and he saw nothing that said to him, ‘Don’t reform,’ or ‘Do not lower the franchise in England.’ But he did see some things there which said, ‘If you have any grievance set it right; beware of unremedied grievances; beware of refusing justice; beware of smouldering discontent.’ [Hear, hear.] North and south had gone on making compromises with each other until the causes of discontent had burst out in a war whose desolating effects we now behold. He thought, therefore, the moral of this war was, that where grievances existed we should apply the remedy with out delay. [Applause ] * * * * * * *

“Now, he maintained that our commerce required a much larger proportion of representation, and for this reason: the present state of international maritime law, so the attorney general said, justified the destruction of property on the high seas belonging to the northern states of America by confederate cruisers. These had nearly driven the commercial navy of the United States from the seas. It might be said, ‘What has this to do with us?’ It was quite true that at the present day it benefited our ship-owners; but we must not expect to be at peace for ever, and when once we were at war, we should find to what advantage an enemy would turn the existing state of international maritime law against us. Our imports and exports last year amounted to £500,000,000, and without reckoning the value of the ships, all this property would be exposed to the enemy’s vessels. This vast amount of property belonged to our mercantile classes, and yet they had no power to regulate the foreign policy of the Country. Those who actually determined that policy had only increased taxes to pay it war broke out, but the mercantile classes were exposed to the risk of losing their property in addition. Was not this a reason why the latter should have a reform bill and a larger share in the representation of the country? [Applause.] The honorable gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud applause.”

[From the same.]

Extract from the annual address of Mr. E. A. Leatham, M. C, delivered to the electors and others, at Huddersfield, Tuesday, January 24.

“Mr. Leatha. concluded with some observations on the American war, upon which subject his sentiments had not changed. He regarded the victories of Sherman as a ratification of the wise policy of re-electing President Lincoln.”