Mr. Adams to Mr. Hunter.
Sir: There is little going on here at this time upon which it seems necessary to make a special report. The Parliament is drawing upon its last days, and the interest of the members of the popular branch is concentrated much more outside than within the walls. There is very active personal competition, but not much partisan division. Although numerous changes will take place, it is not expected that the political complexion of the body will be materially varied. Neither party, as such, will be more likely to have a working majority in the next than it has had in this. My own impression, however, is that there will be some accession of strength to the liberal side.
The most universal topic of conversation is, as usual, connected with our affairs in America. The intense interest manifested in the fate of Mr. Davis is one of the phenomena of this remarkable era. On one side, it is not extraordinary that those who sympathize with his action and hoped for his success should now deplore and earnestly desire to soften the severity of his fate. The feeling on the part of that class which has been friendly to us is of a different kind, but not less ardent in the same direction. They deprecate any application of a capital penalty at all, as if it was about to degrade the whole character of the struggle by a mere indulgence of savage passion in our triumph. To everybody here, almost without exception, the struggle appears now to resolve itself into a mere civil war, for which both sides are almost equally to blame, and which they are to conclude by a general agreement to shake hands, forgive and forget It appears to me that such a conclusion to be drawn from it would be only second in its evil consequences to the triumph of the rebellion. There is, if I mistake not, a principle at the bottom, which cannot be too clearly and broadly laid before the eyes of the present and all future generations. That principle is the permanence of the Union, a principle never to be attacked by brute force without some penalties to the offenders. The right of separation by consent is one thing j that of revolution under intolerable wrongs is another. But that of secession for any fancied grievance, such as the election of a Chief Magistrate in conformity with every constitutional requirement, or the apprehension of some possible [Page 407] policy of the distant future, is so utterly indefensible in every point of view, that I can regard the attempt to carry it out by arms as nothing else than that crime of treason so carefully defined in the Constitution to meet precisely such a contingency.
I have endeavored to meet all the representations that have been made to me on the subject with moderation and good humor. Carefully disavowing the indulgence of the slightest acrimonious feeling toward Mr. Davis, or any of his associates, I have expressed the hope that the ends of justice might be satisfied with the least possible effusion of human blood. We have had enough of slaughter and of public and private misery. Especially had a severe retribution already been visited upon these misguided people, who had, by their wanton obstinacy, brought it all upon the country. If even Mr. Davis could be disgraced and then suffered to sink into oblivion without seriously impairing the force of the example in the view of later generations, I should be perfectly content. This, however, opened a most grave and solemn question. If Mr. Davis, having, under all the safeguards of our laws, undergone a trial for his offence, should be proved guilty, condemned, and sentenced to suffer the last penalty, the responsibility of interposition would then devolve upon the President. I had no doubt that he would meet it with the dignity and impartiality that became his office. Neither was I disposed to believe that, whatever it might be, his decision, if given in the manner indicated, would be attended by any of the evil consequences to the reputation of our country, all over civilized Europe, which seemed to be a matter of so much concern to our enemies, not less than our friends.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
William Hunter, Esq., Acting Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.