Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 755.]

Sir: Since my despatch of yesterday, No. 753, I have received from the steamer which sailed from New York on the 16th despatches numbered from 1023 to 1033 inclusive.

The most important of these is No. 1025, of the 8th of July, relating to the questions that have grown out of the conflict with the No. 290, and giving instructions how to proceed. On examination of the grounds upon which these are based, it immediately becomes evident to me that many of the positions, resting as they do upon erroneous impressions of the facts, cannot be maintained. . Moreover, you could not, at the time of writing, have received my despatch No. 731, of the 28th of June, communicating to you information of the use that I had made of the official representation of Captain Winslow, in a note I had written to Lord Russell. As it must probably have reached you very shortly after the date of your last, I may perhaps receive your later impressions after perusing it, in a despatch by the steamer due to-morrow or next day. Meanwhile I think it more prudent not to proceed with any partial or imperfect representation here.

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In connexion with this topic I may mention that I have received a further note from Lord Russell, in reply to my letter of the 25th June, covering a letter from Mr. Lancaster in defence of his course. Copies of these papers are herewith transmitted. On some points I am inclined to think his action to have been misrepresented. But on others, and especially those to which I called Lord Russell’s particular attention, he evades reply. The fact, that the officer commanding the rebel boat, who had actually been to the Kearsarge for the purpose of surrender, and who obtained authority to rescue the drowning, did afterwards take the persons thus saved to the Deerhound, without regard to his implied obligation, is not denied. It was this boat that picked out the rebel officers so carefully from among the number floating on the surface.

I transmit, also, a number of copies of a pamphlet prepared here by Mr. Edge, which appears to be a tolerably correct account of the facts attending the battle, so far as they could be gathered at Cherbourg, from the best sources of information. So far as they relate to the proceedings of Mr. Lancaster, the truth may, perhaps, be best gathered from a comparison with the narrative of the latter.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[Enclosures.]

1. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, July 21, 1864.

2. Mr. Lancaster to Lord Russell, July 16, 1864.

Lord Russell to Mr. Adams.

Sir: With reference to my letter of the 8th instant, I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a letter which I have received from Mr. Lancaster, containing his answer to the representations contained in your letter of the 25th ultimo, with regard to the course pursued by him in rescuing Captain Semmes and others, on the occasion of the sinking of the Alabama; and I have the honor to inform you that I do not think it necessary to take any further steps in the matter.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

RUSSELL.

Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Lancaster to Earl Russell.

My Lord: On my return here on Wednesday last, after a visit to Norway, I received your lordship’s note of the 27th ultimo, together with copies of a note, and its enclosures, from the United States minister at this court of her Majesty, complaining of the course pursued by me in aiding the escape of a portion of the crew of the Alabama, who, it is alleged, had surrendered themselves as prisoners of war to the United States ship Kearsarge.

In dealing with this complaint, I shall not trouble your lordship with any [Page 231] remarks on the questions of maritime or international law which have arisen out of the circumstances connected with the sinking of the confederate ship the Alabama, but I shall confine myself to a succinct but complete narrative of those proceedings in which I was personally concerned.

I am, as your lordship has been informed, the owner of the yacht Deer-hound, and a member of the royal yacht squadron. On the 7th of June last, my family—that is to say, my wife, my four children—and my niece, embarked on board the yacht, and sailed from Southampton, with the view of cruising for about a fortnight around some of the channel islands, and beside the coast of France. Business engagements prevented me accompanying them, but I joined them at Gurnsey on Saturday, June 11th. On the same day we sailed for Jersey, in the neighborhood of which island we remained until the following Thursday, June 16th.

On the morning of that day we left St. Helens for St. Malo, arriving there at 8 a, m. We detained the yacht in the harbor of St. Malo, and in the night slept therein. On the following morning (Friday) we left the yacht, ordering it to proceed to Cherbourg, while we had a run into the interior. Early in the day we started by rail to Lemans, and there stopped all night. Next morning (Saturday) we pushed on for Caen, and after refreshment and sight-seeing there, we proceeded to Cherbourg, at which place we arrived about 10 o’clock at night. Prior to this time I had never seen Captain Semmes, nor had I had any communication, direct or indirect, with any person connected with the Alabama; and it will, I think, be admitted, that at 10 o’clock on Saturday night it was too late to settle the terms of an alliance between my yacht and the confederate vessel for operations on Sunday morning. It is true the Deerhound lay in Cherbourg during Friday night and Saturday; but my captain assures me that there was no intercourse between him and Captain Semmes, or anybody acting on behalf of that confederate officer. So far from the Deer-hound being, as has been alleged, the consort of the Alabama, there was no connexion whatever between the two vessels, and the officers and the crew of the one were strangers to the officers and crew of the other.

Soon after we arrived on board the yacht on Saturday night, we heard the rumor that there was to be an engagement between the Alabama and the Kearsarge on the following morning, and the question came up for discussion, in our family circle, whether the Deerhound should put out to sea and take up a position where we could with safety witness, something of the engagement between the two hostile ships; and as the juveniles were nearly all one way, the question was decided in the affirmative, rather against the wish of both myself and my wife. Accordingly, at 9 o’clock in the morning we steamed out of Cherbourg harbor to enjoy the summer breeze, and if possible to see the great fight. That I did not propose to succor the Alabama in any way is manifest from the fact that I took my wife and family with me to participate in my movements and share my perils, should I be exposed to any. At half-past 10 o’clock we saw the Alabama steaming out of the harbor towards the federal vessel Kearsarge, and twenty minutes afterwards the action commenced.

At half-past 12 o’clock we observed the Alabama to be disabled and in a sinking condition, and as I saw that no boats were being lowered from the Kearsarge to save the crew of the sinking ship, it occurred to me that the Kearsarge also must be disabled, and that her crew must be unable to help the people of the Alabama.

Under this impression I felt it my duty to make towards the Kearsarge in order to offer assistance, and when within hail of that vessel I called out and asked whether I could afford them any help, and the answer was, “No; but do what you can, for God’s sake, to save them.”

We immediately pushed towards the Alabama, and when within a distance of two hundred yards she sunk. This occurred at 12.50. We then lowered [Page 232] our two boats, and with the assistance of the Alabama’s whale-boat and dingy, succeeded in saving about fifty men, including Captain Semmes and thirteen officers. At 1 p. m. we steered for Southampton.

I acknowledge, my lord, that in leaving the scene of action so quickly, I was animated with a wish to save from captivity Captain Semmes and the others whom we had rescued from drowning, but I should have done the same for the people of the Kearsarge if they had been placed in similar jeopardy. I am charged with having aided in the escape of men who “had surrendered themselves prisoners of war,” but I did not know at the time that they had so surrendered.

Whether under the circumstances they could be justly considered “prisoners of war” is a question which I will not presume now to discuss, inasmuch as it is not necessary for my justification. At the time I rescued Captain Semmes and others from the water, I had the warrant for so doing in the request from the captain of the Kearsarge that I would render them assistance. That request was not accompanied with any request or stipulation, and therefore, having got as many of the drowning men on board as I could reach, I was not conscious of being under any obligation to consult the captain of the Kearsarge as to their disposal, and I took them as soon as possible to Southampton, in compliance with their own earnest entreaties.

I trust, my lord, that this simple narrative will be sufficient to disprove the allegation of complicity or alliance between the confederate ship the Alabama and my yacht the Deerhound, and to show that in rescuing Captain Semmes and others from drowning I had the warrant of the captain of the Kearsarge, and that in taking them to Southampton I was actuated only by motives of humanity.

JOHN LANCASTER.

The Alabama and the Kearsarge.

An account of the naval engagement in the British Channel on Sunday, June 19, 1864, from information furnished to the writer by the wounded and parolled prisoners of the confederate privateer Alabama, the officers of the United States sloop of war Kearsarge, and citizens of Cherbourg. By Frederick Milnes Edge.

The importance of the engagement between the United States sloop of war Kearsarge and the confederate privateer Alabama cannot be estimated by the size of the two vessels. The conflict off Cherbourg on Sunday, the 19th of June, was the first decisive engagement between shipping propelled by steam, and the first test of the merits of modern naval artillery. It was, moreover, a contest for superiority between the ordnance of Europe and America, whilst the result furnishes us with data wherefrom to estimate the relative advantages of rifled and smooth-bore cannon at short range.

Perhaps no greater or more numerous misrepresentations were ever made in regard to an engagement than in reference to the one in question. The first news of the conflict came to us enveloped in a mass of statements the greater part of which, not to use an unparliamentary expression, was diametrically opposed to the truth; and although several weeks have now elapsed since the Alabama followed her many defenceless victims to their watery grave, these misrepresentations obtain as much credence as ever. The victory of the Kearsarge was accounted! for, and the defeat of the Alabama excused or palliated, upon the following principal reasons :

1. The superior size and speed of the Kearsarge.

2. The superiority of her armament.

[Page 233]

3. The chain-plating of her sides.

4. The greater number of her crew.

5. The unpreparedness of the Alabama.

6. The assumed necessity of Captain Semmes’s accepting the challenge sent him (as represented) by the commander of the Kearsarge.

Besides these misstatements there have been others put forth, either in ignorance of the real facts of the case, or with a purposed intention of diminishing the merit of the victory by casting odium upon the federals on the score of inhumanity. In the former category must be placed the remarks of the Times (June 21;) but it is just to state that the observations in question were made on receipt of the first news, and from information furnished probably by parties-unconnected with the paper, and desirous of palliating the Alabama’s defeat by any means in their power. We are informed in the article above referred to-that the guns of the latter vessel “had been pointed for 2,000 yards, and the. second shot went right through the Kearsarge,” whereas no shot whatever went through as stated. Again, “the Kearsarge fired about 100 shot, chiefly 11-inch shell,” the fact being that not one-third of her projectiles were of that calibre. Further on we find, “the men (of the Alabama) were all true to the last; they only ceased firing when the water came to the muzzles of their guns.” Such a declaration as this is laughable in the extreme; the Alabama’s guns were all on the spar-deck, like those of the Kearsarge; and, to achieve what the Times represents, her men must have fought on until the hull of their vessel was two-feet under water. The truth is—if the evidence of the prisoners saved by the Kearsarge may be taken—Captain Semmes hauled down his flag immediately after being informed by his chief engineer that the water was putting out the fires; and, within a few minutes, the water gained so rapidly on the vessel that her bow rose slowly in the air, and half her guns obtained a greater elevation than they had ever known previously. It is unfortunate to find such cheap novel style of writing in a paper which at some future period may be referred to as an authoritive chronicler of events now transpiring.

It would be too long a task to notice all the numerous misstatements of private individuals, and of the English and French press, in reference to this action; the best mode is to give the facts as they occurred, leaving the public to judge by internal evidence on which side the truth exists.

Within a few days of the fight, the writer of these pages crossed from London to Cherbourg for the purpose of obtaining by personal examination full and precise information in reference to the engagement. It would seem as though misrepresentation, if not positive falsehood, were inseparable from everything connected with the Alabama, for on reaching the French naval station he was positively assured by the people on shore that nobody was permitted to board the Kearsarge. Preferring, however, to substantiate the truth of these allegations from the officers of the vessel themselves, he hired a boat and sailed out to the sloop, receiving on his arrival an immediate and polite reception from Captain Winslow and his gallant subordinates. During the six days he remained at Cherbourg, he found the Kearsarge open to the inspection, above and below, of any and everybody who chose to visit her; and he frequently heard surprise expressed by English and French visitors alike that representations on shore were so inconsonant with the truth of the case.

I found the Kearsarge lying under the guns of the French ship-of-the-line Napoleon, 1 two cables’ length from that vessel, and about a mile and a half from the harbor; she had not moved from that anchorage since entering the port of Cherbourg, and no repairs whatever had been effected in her hull since the fight. I had thus full opportunity to examine the extent of her damage, and she certainly did not look at all like a vessel which had just been engaged in one of the hottest conflicts of modern times.

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SIZE OF THE TWO VESSELS.

The Kearsarge, in size, is by no means the terrible craft represented by those who, for some reason or other, seek to detract from the honor of her victory; she appeared to me a mere yacht in comparison with the shipping around her, and disappointed many of the visitors who came to see her. The relative proportions of the two antagonists were as follows :

Alabama. Kearsarge.
Length over all 220 feet. 232 feet.
Length of keel 210 198½
Beam 32 33
Depth 17 16½
Horse-power, two engines of 300 each. 400 h. p.
Tonnage 1,040 1,031*

The Alabama was a bark-rigged screw propeller, and the heaviness of her rig, and, above all, the greater size and height of her masts, would give her the appearance of a much larger vessel than her antagonist. The masts of the latter are disproportionately low and small; she has never carried more than topsail yards, and depends for her speed upon her machinery alone. It is to be questioned whether the Alabama, with all her reputation for velocity, could, in her best trim, outsteam her rival. The log-book of the Kearsarge, which I was courteously permitted to examine, frequently shows a speed of upwards of fourteen knots to the hour, and her engineers state that her machinery was never in better working order than at the present time. I have not seen engines more compact in form, nor, apparently, in finer condition; looking in every part as though they were fresh from the workshop, instead of being, as they are, half through the third year of the cruise.

Ships-of-war, however, whatever may be their tonnage, are nothing more than platforms for carrying artillery. The only mode by which to judge of the strength of the two vessels is in comparing their armaments; and herein we find the equality of the antagonists as fully exemplified as in the respective proportions of their hulls and steam-power. The armaments of the Alabama and Kearsarge were as follows:

Alabama. Kearsarge.
One 7-inch Blakely rifle. Two 11-inch smooth-bore guns.
One 8-inch smooth-bore (6S-pounder.) One 30-pounder rifle.
Six 32-pounders. Four 32-pounders.

It will therefore be seen that the Alabama had the advantage of the Kearsarge at all events in the number of her guns; whilst the weight of the latter’s broadside was only some twenty per cent, greater than her own. This disparity, however, was more than made up by the greater rapidity of the Alabama’s firing, and, above all, by the superiority of her artillerymen. The Times informs us that Captains Semmes asserts, “he owes his best men to the training they received on board the Excellent:” and trained gunners must naturally be superior to the volunteer gunners on board the Kearsarge. Each vessel fought all her guns, with the exception in either case of one 32-pounder, on the starboard side; but the struggle was really decided by the two 11-inch Dahlgren smooth-bores of the Kearsarge against the 7-inch Blakely rifle and the heavy 68-pounder pivot of the Alabama. The Kearsarge certainly carried a small 30-pounder rifled Dahlgren in pivot on her forecastle, and this gun was fired several times before the rest were brought into play; but the gun in question was never regarded as aught than a failure, and the ordnance department of the United States navy has given up its manufacture.

[Page 235]

THE CHAIN-PLATING OF THE KEARSARGE.

Great stress has been laid upon the chain plating of the Kearsarge, and it is assumed by interested parties that but for this armor the contest would have resulted differently. A pamphlet lately published in this city, entitled “The Career of the Alabama,”* makes the following statements :

“The federal government had fitted out the Kearsarge, a new vessel of great speed, “iron-coated” &c. (p. 23.)

“She,” the Kearsarge, “appeared to be temporarily plated with iron chains.” (p. 38.) (In the previous quotation, it would appear she had so been plated by the federal government: both statements are absolutely incorreet, as will shortly be seen.)

“It was frequently observed that shot and shell struck against the Kearsarge’s side, and harmlessly rebounded, bursting outside, and doing no damage to the federal crew.”

“Another advantage accruing from this was, that it sank her very low in the water, so low in fact that the heads of the men who were in the boats were on the level of the Kearsarge’s deck.” (p. 39.)

“As before observed, the sides of the Kearsarge were trailed all over with chain cables” (p. 41.)

The author of the pamphlet in question has judiciously refrained from giving his name. A greater number of more unblushing misrepresentations never were contained in an equal space.

In his official report to the confederate envoy, Mr. Mason, Captain Semmes makes the following statements :

“At the end of the engagement it was discovered by those of our officers who went alongside the enemy’s ship with the wounded that her midship section on both sides was thoroughly iron-coated, this having been done with chain constructed for the purpose, (!) placed perpendicularly from the rail to the water’s edge, the whole covered over by a thin outer planking, which gave no indication of the armor beneath. This planking had been ripped off in every direction (!) by our shot and shell, the chain broken and indented in many places, and forced partly into the ship’s side. She was most effectually guarded, however, in this section from penetration.”

“The enemy was heavier than myself, both in ship, battery, and crew, (!) but I did not know until the action was over that she was also iron-clad.”

“Those of our officers who went alongside the enemy’s ship with our wounded.” As soon as Captain Semmes reached the Deerhound, the yacht steamed off at full speed towards Southampton, and Semmes wrote his report of the fight either in England or on board the English vessel. Probably the former, for he dates his communication to Mr. Mason, “Southampton, June 21, 1864.” How did he obtain intelligence from those of his officers “who went alongside the enemy’s ship,” and who would naturally be detained as prisoners of war? It was impossible for anybody to reach Southampton in the time specified; nevertheless he did obtain such information. One of his officers—George T. Fullam, an Englishman unfortunately—came to the Kearsarge in a boat at the close of the action, representing the Alabama to be sinking, and that if the Kearsarge did not hasten to get out boats to save life, the crew must go down with her. Not a moment was to be lost, and he offered to go back to his own vessel to bring off prisoners, pledging his honor to return when the object was accomplished. After picking up several men struggling in the water, he steered directly for the Deerhound, and on reaching her actually cast his boat adrift. It [Page 236] was subsequently picked, up by the Kearsarge. Fullam’s name appears amongst the list of “ saved” by the Deerhound; -and he, with others of the Alabama’s officers who had received a similar permission from their captors, and had similarly broken their troth, of course gave the above information to their veracious captain.

The chain-plating of the Kearsarge was decided upon in this wise. The vessel lay off Fayal towards the latter part of April, 1863, on the lookout for a notorious blockade-runner, named the Juno. The Kearsarge being short of coal, and fearing some attempts at opposition on the part of her prey, the first officer of the sloop, Lieutenant Commander James S. Thornton, suggested to Captain Winslow the advisability of hanging her spare anchor-cable over her sides, so as to protect her midship section. Mr. Thornton had served on board the flag-ship of Admiral Farragut, the Hartford, when she and the rest of the federal fleet ran the forts of the Mississippi to reach New Orleans; and he made the suggestion at Fayal through having seen the advantage gained by it on that occasion. I now copy the following extract from the log-book of the Kearsarge :

Horta Bay, Fayal, May 1, 1863.

From 8 to meridian, —Wind E.NE, (F 2.) Weather b. c. Strapped, loaded, and fuzed (5 sec. fuze) 13 XI-inch shell. Commenced armor-plating ship, using sheet chain. Weighed kedge anchor.

“E. M. STODDARD, Acting Master.”

This operation of chain-armoring took three days, and was effected without assistance from the shore and at an expense of material of seventy-five dollars (£15.) In order to make the addition less unsightly, the chains were boxed over with inch-deal boards, forming a case, or box, which stood out at right angles from the vessel’s sides. This box would naturally excite curiosity in every port where the Kearsarge touched, and no mystery was made as to what the boarding covered. Captain Semmes was perfectly cognizant of the entire affair, notwithstanding his shameless assertion of ignorance; for he spoke about it to his officers and crew several days prior to the 19th of June, declaring that the chains were only attached together with rope-yarns, and would drop into the water when struck with the first shot. I was so informed by his own wounded men lying in the naval hospital at Cherbourg. Whatever might be the value for defence of this chain-plating, it was only struck once during the engagement, so far as I could discover by a long and close inspection. Some of the officers of the Kearsarge asserted to me that it was struck twice, whilst others deny that declaration: in one spot, however, a 32-pounder shot broke in the deal covering and smashed a single link, two-thirds of which fell into the water. The remainder is in my possession, and proves to be of the ordinary 5¼-inch chain. Had the cable been struck by the rifled 120-pounder instead of by a 32, the result might have been different; but in any case the damage would have amounted to nothing serious, for the vessel’s side was hit five feet above the water-line and nowhere in the vicinity of the boilers or machinery. Captain Semmes evidently regarded this protection of the chains as little worth, for he might have adopted the same plan before engaging the Kearsarge; but he confined himself to taking on board 150 tons of coal as a protection to his boilers, which, in addition to the 200 tons already in his buukers, would bring him pretty low in the water. The Kearsarge, on the contrary, was deficient in her coal, and she took what was necessary on board during my stay at Cherbourg.

The quantity of chain used on each side of the vessel in this much-talked-of armoring is only 120 fathoms, and it covers a space amidships of 49 feet 6 inches in length, by 6 feet 2 inches in depth. The chain, which is single, not [Page 237] double, was and is stopped to eye-bolts with rope-yarn and by iron dogs.* Is it reasonable to suppose that this plating of l 7/10-inch iron (the thickness of the links of the chain) could offer any serimis resistance to the heavy 68-pounder and the 7-inch Blakely rifle of the Alabama, at the comparatively close range of 700 yards? What, then, becomes of the mistaken remark of the Times that the Kearsarge was “ provided, as it turned out, with some special contrivances for protection,” or Semmes’s declaration that she was “iron-clad”? “The Career of the Alabama,” in referring to this chain-plating, says, “Another advantage accruing from this was that it 3ank her very low in the water—so low, in fact, that the heads of the men who were in the boats were on the level of the Kearsarge’s deck.” It is simply ridiculous to suppose that the weight of 240 fathoms of chain could have any such effect upon a vessel of one thousand tons burden; whilst, in addition, the cable itself was part of the ordinary gear of the ship. Further, the Kearsarge was deficient in seventy tons of coal of her proper supply at the time of action, while the Alabama had three hundred and fifty tons on board.

The objection that the Alabama was short-handed does not appear to be borne out by the facts of the case; while, on the other hand, a greater number of men than were necessary to work the guns and ship would be more of a detriment than a benefit to the Kearsarge. The latter vessel had 22 officers on board, and 140 men; the Alabama is represented to have had only 120 in her crew, (Mr. Mason’s statement, ) but if her officers be included in this number, the assertion is obviously incorrect, for the Kearsarge saved 67, the Deerhound 41, and the French pilot-boats 12, and this, without mentioning the 13 accounted for as killed and wounded, and others who went down with the ship. If Captain Semmes’s representations were correct in regard to his being short-handed, he certainly ought not to be trusted with the command of a vessel again, however much he may be esteemed by some parties for his Quixotism in challenging an antagonist—to use his own words—“heavier than myself both in ship, battery, and crew.”

The asserted unpreparedness of the Alabama is about as truthful as the other representations, if we may take Captain Semmes’s report, and certain facts, in rebutting evidence. The captain writes to Mr. Mason, “I cannot deny myself the pleasure of saying that Mr. Kell, my first lieutenant, deserves great credit for the fine condition the ship went into action in;” but if Captain Semmes were right in the alleged want of preparation, he himself is alone to blame. He had ample time for protecting his vessel and crew in all possible manners; he, not the Kearsarge, was the aggressor; and but for his forcing the fight the Alabama might still be riding inside Cherbourg breakwater. Notwithstanding the horrible cause for which he is struggling, and the atrocious depredations he. has committed upon helpless merchantmen, we can still admire the daring he evinced in sallying forth from a secure haven and gallantly attacking his opponent; but when he professes ignorance of the character of his antagonist, and unworthily attempts to disparage the victory of his foe, we forget all our first sympathies, and condemn the moral nature of the man as he has forced us to do his judgment.

Nor must it be forgotten that the Kearsarge has had fewer opportunities for repairs than the Alabama, and that she has been cruising around in all seas for a much longer period than her antagonist. The Alabama, on the con [Page 238] trary, had lain for many days in Cherbourg, and she only steamed forth when her captain supposed her to be in, at all events, as good a condition as the enemy.

THE CHALLENGE.

Finally, the challenge to fight was given by the Alabama to the Kearsarge, not by the Kearsarge to the Alabama. “The Career of the Alabama,” above referred to, makes the following romantic statement:

“When he (Semmes) was challenged by the commander of the Kearsarge, everybody in Cherbourg, it appears, said it would be disgraceful if he refused the challenge, and this, coupled with his belief that the Kearsarge was not so strong as she really proved to be, made him agree to fight.” (p. 41.)

On the Tuesday after the battle, and before leaving London for Cherbourg, I was shown a telegram by a member of the House of Commons, forwarded to him that morning. The telegram was addressed to one of the gentleman’s constituents by his son, a sailor on board the Alabama, and was dated “C. S. S. Alabama, Cherbourg, June 14;” the sender stating that they were about to engage the Kearsarge on the morrow, or next day. I have not a copy of this telegram, but “The Career of the Alabama” gives a letter to the like effect from the surgeon of the privateer, addressed to a gentleman in this city. The letter reads as follows:

“Cherbourg, June 14, 1864.

“Dear Travers: Here we are. I send this by a gentleman coming to London. An enemy is outside. If she only stays long enough, we go out and fight her. If I live, expect to see me in London shortly. If I die, give my best love to all who know me. If Monsieur A. de Caillet should call on you, please show him every attention.

“I remain, dear Travers, ever yours,

“D. H. LLEWELLYN.”

There were two brave gentlemen on board the Alabama—poor Llewellyn, who nobly refused to save his own life by leaving his wounded, and a young lieutenant, Mr. Joseph Wilson, who honorably delivered up his sword on the deck of the Kearsarge, when the other officers threw theirs into the water.

The most unanswerable proof of Captain Semmes having challenged the commander of the Kearsarge is to be found in the following letter addressed by him to the confederate consul, or agent, at Cherbourg. After the publication of this document, it is to be hoped we shall hear no more of Captain Winslow’s having committed such a breach of discipline and etiquette as that of challenging a rebel against his government:

CAPTAIN SEMMES’S CHALLENGE TO THE KEARSARGE.

Confederate States Steamer Alabama,Cherbourg, June 14, 1864.

Sir: I hear that you were informed by the United States consul that the Kearsarge was to come to this port solely for the prisoners landed by me,* and that she was to depart in twenty-four hours. I desire you to say to the United States consul, that my intention is to fight the Kearsarge as soon as I can make [Page 239] the necessary arrangements. I hope these will not detain me more than until to-morrow evening, or after the morrow morning at furthest, I beg she will not depart before I am ready to go out.

“I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

“R. SEMMES, Captain.

“Ad. Bonfils, Esq., Cherbourg”

Numerous facts serve to prove that Captain Semmes had made every preparation to engage the Kearsarge, and that wide-spread publicity had been given to his intention. As soon as the arrival of the federal vessel was known at Paris, an American gentleman of high position came down to Cherbourg, with instructions for Captain Winslow; but so desirous were the French authorities to preserve a really honest neutrality, that permission was only granted to him to sail to her after his promising to return to shore immediately on the delivery of his message. Once back in Cherbourg, and about to return to Paris, he was advised to remain over night, as the Alabama intended to fight the Kearsarge next day (Sunday.) On Sunday morning an excursion train arrived from the capital, and the visitors were received at the terminus of the railway by the boatmen of the port, who offered them boats for the purpose of seeing a genuine naval battle which was to take place during the day. Turning such a memorable occurrence to practical uses, Monsieur Rondin, a celebrated photographic artist on the Place d’Armes at Cherbourg, prepared the necessary chemicals, plates, and camera, and placed himself on the summit of the old church tower, .which the whilome denizens of Cherbourg had very properly built in happy juxtaposition with his establishment. I was only able to see the negative, but that was quite sufficient to show that the artist had obtained a very fine view indeed of the exciting contest. Five days, however, had elapsed since Captain Semmes sent his challenge to Captain Winslow through the confederate agent, Monsieur Bonfils; surely time sufficient for him to make all the preparations which he considered necessary. Meanwhile, the Kearsarge was cruising to and fro at sea, outside the breakwater.

The Kearsarge reached Cherbourg on the 14th, and her captain only heard of Captain Semmes’s intention to fight him on the following day. Five days, however, elapsed before the Alabama put in an appearance, and her exit from the harbor was heralded by the English yacht Deerhound. The officer on watch aboard the Kearsarge made out a three-masted vessel steaming from the harbor, the movements of which were somewhat mysterious; after remaining a short time only, this steamer, which subsequently proved to be the Deerhound, went back into port; only returning to sea a few minutes in advance of the Alabama, and the French iron-clad La Couronne. Mr. Lancaster, her owner, sends a copy of his log to the Times, the first two entries being as follows :

“Sunday, June 19, 9 a. m.—Got up steam and proceeded out of Cherbourg harbor.

“10.30—Observed the Alabama steaming out of the harbor towards the federal steamer Kearsarge.”*

[Page 240]

Mr. Lancaster does not inform us why an English gentleman should choose a Sunday morning, of all days in the week, to cruise about at an early hour with ladies on board, nor does he supply the public with information as to the movements of the Deerhound during the hour and a half which elapsed between his exit from the harbor and the appearance of the Alabama. The preceding paragraph, however, supplies the omission.

THE ENGAGEMENT.

At length the Alabama made her appearance in company with the Couronne, the latter vessel convoying her outside the limit of French waters. Here let me pay a tribute to the careful neutrality of the French authorities. No sooner was the limit of jurisdiction reached, than the Couronne put down her helm, and without any delay steamed back into port, not even lingering outside the breakwater to witness the fight. Curiosity, if not worse, anchored the English vessel in handy vicinity to the combatants. Her presence proved to be of much utility, for she picked up no less than fourteen of the Alabama’s officers, and among them the redoubtable Semmes himself.

So soon as the Alabama was made out, the Kearsarge immediately headed seaward and steamed off the coast, the object being to get a sufficient distance from the land so as to obviate any possible infringement of French jurisdiction; and, secondly, that in case of the battle going against the Alabama, the latter could not retreat into port. When this was accomplished, the Kearsarge was. turned shortly round and steered immediately for the Alabama, Captain Wins-low desiring to get within close range, as his guns were shotted with five-seconds shell. The interval between the two vessels being reduced to a mile, or thereabouts, the Alabama sheered and discharged a broadside, nearly a raking fire, at the Kearsarge. More speed was given to the latter to shorten the distance, and a slight sheer to prevent raking. The Alabama fired a second broadside and part of a third while her antagonist was closing; and at the expiration of ten or twelve minutes from the Alabama’s opening shot the Kearsarge discharged her first broadside. The action henceforward continued in a circle, the distance between the two vessels being about seven hundred yards; this, at all events, is the opinion of the federal commander and his officers, for their guns were sighted at that range and their shell burst in and over the privateer. The speed of the two vessels during the engagement did not exceed eight knots the hour.

At the expiration of one hour and two minutes from the first gun, the Alabama hauled down her colors and fired a lee gun, (according to the statements of her officers, ) in token of surrender. Captain Winslow could not, however, believe that the enemy had struck, as his own vessel had received so little damage, and he could not regard his antagonist as much more injured than himself; and it was only when a boat came off from the Alabama that her true [Page 241] condition was known. The 11-inch shell from the Kearsarge, thrown with fifteen pounds of powder at seven hundred yards range, had gone clean through the starboard side of the privateer, bursting in the port side and tearing great gaps in her timber and planking. This was plainly obvious when the Alabama settled by the stern and raised the fore part of her hull high out of water.

The Kearsarge was struck twenty-seven times during the conflict, and fired in all one hundred and seventy-three (173) shots. These were as follows:

Shots fired by the Kearsarge.

Two XI-inch guns 55 shots.
Rifle in forecastle 48
Broadside, 32-pounders 60
12-pounder, boat howitzer 10
Total, 173 shots.

The last named gun performed no part whatever in sinking the Alabama, and was only used in the action to create laughter among the sailors. Two old quartermasters, the two Dromios of the Kearsarge, were put in charge of this gun, with instructions to fire when they received the order. But the two old salts, little relishing the idea of having nothing to do while their messmates were so actively engaged, commenced peppering away with their pea-shooter of a piece, alternating their discharges with vituperation of each other. This low comedy by-play amused the ship’s company, and the officers good humoredly allowed the farce to continue until the single box of ammunition was exhausted.

DAMAGE TO THE KEARSARGE.

The Kearsarge was struck as follows: One shot through starboard quarter, taking a slanting direction aft, and lodging in the rudder post. This shot was from the Blakely rifle. One shot, carrying away starboard life-buoy; three 32-pounder shots through port bulwarks, forward of mizzen-mast; a shell, exploding, after end of pivot port; a shell, exploding, after end of chain plating; a 68-pounder shell, passing through starboard bulwarks below main rigging, wounding three men—the only casualties among the crew during the engagement; a Blakely-rifle shell, passing through the engine-room sky-light, and dropping harmlessly in the water beyond the vessel; two shots below plank-sheer, abreast of boiler hatch; one forward pivot port plank-sheer; one forward foremast rigging; a shot striking launch’s topping-lift; a rifle-shell passing through funnel, bursting without damage inside; one starboard forward main shroud; one, starboard after-shroud main-topmast rigging; one, main-topsail tye; one, main-topsail outhaul; one, main-topsail runner; two, through port quarter boat; one, through spanker (furled;) one, starboard forward shroud, mizzen rigging; one, starboard mizzen-topmast backstay; one through mizzen peak signal-halliards, which cut the stops when the battle was nearly over, and for the first time let loose the flag to the breeze.

This list of damages received by the Kearsarge proves the exceedingly bad fire of the Alabama, notwithstanding the numbers of men on board the latter belonging to our “naval reserve,” and the trained hands from the gunnery ship Excellent. I was informed by some of the paroled prisoners on shore at Cherbourg that Captain Semmes fired rapidly at the commencement of the action, “in order to frighten the Yankees,” nearly all the officers and crew being, as he was well aware, merely volunteers from the merchant service. At the expiration of twenty minutes after the Kearsarge discharged the first broadside, continuing [Page 242] the battle in a leisurely, cool manner, Semmes remarked: “Confound them! they have been fighting twenty minutes, and they are as cool as posts.” The probabilities are that the crew of the federal vessel had learned not to regard as dangerous the rapid and hap-hazard practice of the Alabama.

From the time of her first reaching Cherbourg until she finally quitted the port, the Kearsarge never received the slightest assistance from shore, with the exception of that rendered by a boiler-maker in patching up her funnel. Every other repair was completed by her own hands, and she might have crossed the Atlantic immediately after the action without difficulty. So much for Mr. Lancaster’s statement that “the Kearsarge was apparently much disabled.”

SEMMES’S DESIGN TO BOARD THE KEARSARGE.

The first accounts received of the action led us to suppose that Captain Semmes’s intention was to lay his vessel alongside the enemy, and to carry her by boarding. Whether this information came from the captain himself, or was made out of “whole cloth” by some of his admirers, the idea of boarding a vessel under steam, unless her engines, or screw, or rudder be disabled, is manifestly ridiculous. The days of boarding are gone by, except under the contingencies above stated, and any such attempt on the part of the Alabama would have been attended with disastrous results to herself and crew. To have boarded the Kearsarge, Semmes must have possessed greater speed to enable him to run alongside her; and the moment the pursuer came near her victim, the latter would shut off steam, drop astern in a second of time, sheer off, discharge her whole broadside of grape and canister, and rake her antagonist from stern to stem. Our pro-southern sympathizers really ought not to make their protege appear ridiculous by ascribing to him such an egregious intention,

NATIONALITY OF THE CREW OF THE KEARSARGE.

It has frequently been asserted that the major portion of the northern armies is composed of foreigners, and the same statement is made in reference to the crews of the American navy. The report got abroad in Cherbourg that the victory of the Kearsarge was due to her having taken on board a number of French gunners at Brest; and an admiral of the French navy asked me, in perfectly good faith, whether it were not the fact. It will not, therefore, be out of place to give the names and nationalities of the officers and crew on board the Kearsarge during her action with the Alabama.

[Page 243]

Officers of the United States Steamer Kearsarge, June 19, 1864.

[Page 244] [Page 245]
Names. Rank or rate. Native of—
John A. Winslow Captain North Carolina.*
James S.Thornton Lieutenant commander New Hampshire.
John M. Brown Surgeon Do.
J.Adams smith Paymaster Maine.
Wm. H. Cus timan Chief engineer Pennsylvania.
James R.Wheeler Acting master Massachusetts.
Eben. M. Stoddard do Connecticut
David H. Sumner do Maine.
Wm. H. Badlam 2d Assistant engineer Massachusetts.
Fred. L. Miller 3d Assistant engineer Do.
Sidney L. Smith do Do.
Henry McConnell do Pennsylvania.
Edward E. Preble Midshipman Maine.
Daniel B.Sargent Paymaster’s clerk Do.
S.E. Hartwell Captain’s clerk Massachusetts.
Franklin A. Graham Gunner Pennsylvania.
James C. Walton Boatswain . Do.
Wm. H. Yeaton Acting master’s mate United States.
Chas. H. Danforth do do Massachusetts.
Ezra Bartlett do do New Hampshire.
George A. Tittle . Surgeon’s steward United States.
Carsten B. De Witt Yeoman Do.
Jason N. Watrus Master-at-arms Do.
Charles Jones Seaman Do.
Daniel Charter Landsman Do.
Edward Williams Officers’ steward Do.
George Williams Landsman Do.
Charles Butts Quatermaster Do.
Charles Redding Landsman Do.
James Wilson Cocksain Do.
William Gowen, (died) Ordinary seaman Do.
James Saunders Quartermaster Do.
John W. Dempsey Quarter-gunner Do.
Wm. D. Chapel Landsman Do.
Thomas Perry Boatswain’s mate Do.
John Barrow Ordinary seaman Do.
William Bond Boatswain’s mate Do.
James Haley Captain of forecastle (?)
Robert Strahn Captain of top Do.
Jas. O. Stone 1st class boy Do.
Jacob Barth Landsman Do.
Jno. H. McCarthey do Do.
Jas. F. Hayes do Do.
John Hayes Cockswain Do.
James Devine Landsman Do.
George H. Russell Armorer Do.
Patrick McKeever Landsman Do.
Nathan Ives do Do.
Dennis McCarty. do Do.
John Boyle Ordinary seaman Do.
John C. Woodberry do do Do.
George E. Eead Seaman Do.
James Morey Ordinary seaman Do.
Benedict Drury Seaman Do.
William Giles do Do.
Timothy Hurley Ship’s cook Do.
Michael Conroy Ordinary seaman Do.
Levi W. Nye Seaman Do.
James H. Lee do Do.
John E. Brady Ordinary seaman Do.
Andrew J. Rowley Quarter-gunner Do.
James Bradley Seaman United States.
William Ellis Captain of hold Do.
Heney Cook Captain of after-guard Do.
Charles A. Read Seaman Do.
Wm. S. Morgan do Do.
Joshua E. Carey Sailmaker’s mate Do.
James Magee Ordinary seaman Do.
Benjamin S. Davis Officer’s cook Do.
John F. Bickford Cockswain. Do.
William Gurney Seaman Do.
William Smith Quartermaster Do.
Lawrence T. Crowley Ordinary seaman Do.
Hugh McPherson Gunner’s mate Do.
Taran Phillips Ordinary seaman Do.
Seaman Do.
Benj. H. Blaisdell 1st class fireman Do.
Joel B; Blaisdell do do Do.
Charles Fisher Officers’ cook Do.
James Henson Landsman Do.
Wm. M. Smith do Do.
William Fisher do Do.
George Bailey do Do.
Martin Hoyt do Do.
Mark G. Ham Carpenter’s mate Do.
William H. Bastine Landsman Do.
Leyman P. Spinney Coal-heaver Do.
George E. Smart 2d class fireman Do.
Charles A. Poole Coal-heaver Do.
Timothy Lynch do Do.
William H. Donnally 1st class fireman Do.
Sylvanus P. Brackett Coal-heaver Do.
John W. Sanborn do Do.
Adoniram Littlefiels do Do.
John W. Young do Do.
William Wainwright do Do.
Jno. E. Orchon 2d class fireman Do.
Geo. W. Remick 1st class fireman Do.
Joel L. Sanborn. do do Do.
Jere Young do do Do.
William Smith do do Do.
Stephen Smith 2d class fireman Do.
John F. Stanley do do Do.
William Stanley do do Do.
Lyman H. Hartford do do Do.
TrueW. Priest 1st class fireman Do.
Joseph Dugan do do Do.
John F. Dugan Coal-heaver Do.
Jas. W. Sheffield 2d class fireman Do.
Chas. T. Young Ordely sergeant Do.
Austin Quimley Corporal of marines Do.
Roscoe G. Dolley Private of marines Do.
Patrick Flood do do Do.
Henry Hobson Corporal of marines Do.
James Kerrigan Private of marines Do.
John McAleen do do Do.
Geo. A. Raymond do do Do.
James Tucker do do Do.
Isaac Thornton do do Do.
Wm. Y. Evans Nurse Do.
Wm. B. Poole Quartermaster Do.
F. J. Veannoh Captain of after-guard Do.
Charles Hill Landsman Do.
Henry Jameson 1st class fireman United States.
Jno. G. Batchelder Private of marines Do.
Jno. Dwyer 1st class fireman Do.
Thomas Salmon 2d class fireman Do.
Patrick O. Conner do do Do.
Geo. H. Harrison Ordinary seaman Do.
Geo. Andrew do do Do.
Charles Moore Seaman Do.
Geo. A. Whipple Ordinary seaman Do.
Eward Wallace seaman Do.
Thomas Marsh Coal-heaver Do.
Thomas Buckley Ordinary seaman. Do.
Edward Wilt Captain of top Do.
George H. Kinne Ordinary seaman Do.
Augustus Johnson Seaman Do.
Jeremiah Horrigan do Do.
Wm. O’Halloran do Do.
Wm. Turner do Do.
Joshua Collins Ordinary seaman Do.
James McBeath do do Do.
John Pope Coal-heaver Do.
Charles Mattison Ordinary seaman Do.
George Baker Seaman Do.
Timothy G. Cauty do Do.
John Shields do Do.
Thomas Alloway do Do.
Philip Weeks do Do.
William Barnes Landsman Do.
Wm. Alsdorf. do Holland.
Clement Antoine Coal-heaver Western Islands.
Jose Dabney Landsman Do.
Benj. Button Seaman Malay.
Jean Briset do France.
Vanburn Francos Landsman Holland.
Peter Ludy Seaman Do.
George English do England.
Jonathan Brien Landsman Do.
Manuel J. Gallardo 2d class boy Spain.
John M. Sonius 1st class boy Holland.

It thus appears that out of one hundred and sixty-three (163) officers and crew of the sloop-of-war Kearsarge there are only eleven (11) persons foreign-born.

The following is the surgeon’s report of casualties among the crew of the Kearsarge during the action:

U. S. Steamship Kearsarge, Cherbourg, France, “Afternoon, June 19, 1864.

Sir: I report the following casualties resulting from the engagement this -morning with the steamer Alabama:

“John W. Dempsey, quarter-gunner. Compound comminuted fracture of right arm, lower third, and fore-arm. Arm amputated.

[Page 246]

“William Gowen, ordinary seaman. Compound fracture of left thigh and leg. Seriously wounded.

“James McBeath, ordinary seaman. Compound fracture of left leg. Severely wounded.

“I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

“JOHN M. BROWNE, Surgeon U. S. Navy.

“Captain John A. Winslow, Commanding U. S. Steamship Kearsarge, Cherbourg.”

All these men were wounded by the same shot, a 68-pounder, which passed through the starboard bulwarks below main rigging, narrowly escaping the after 11-inch pivot gun. The fuzes employed by the Alabama were villanously bad, several shell having lodged in the Kearsarge without taking effect. Had the 7-inch rifle shot exploded which entered the vessel at the starboard quarter, raising the deck by its concussion several inches, and lodging in the rudder-post, the action might have lasted some time longer. It would not, however, have altered the result, for the casualty occurred towards the close of the conflict. During my visit I witnessed the operation of cutting out a 32-pounder shell (time fuze) from the rail close forward of the fore pivot 11-inch port; the officer in charge of the piece informed me that the concussion actually raised the gun and carriage, and, had it exploded, many of the crew would have been injured by the fragments and splinters.

Among the incidents of the fight some of our papers relate that an 11-inch shell from the Kearsarge fell upon the deck of the Alabama and was immediately taken up and thrown overboard. Probably no fight ever occurred in modern times in which somebody didn!t pick up a live shell and throw it out of harm’s way, but we may be permitted to doubt in this case; 5-second fuzes take effect somewhat rapidly. The shot weighs considerably more than a hundred weight, and is uncomfortably difficult to lay hold of. Worse than all for the probabilities of the story, fifteen pounds of powder—never more nor less— were used to every shot fired from the li-inch pivots, the Kearsarge only opening fire from them when within eight hundred yards of the Alabama. With fifteen pounds of powder and fifteen degrees of elevation I have myself seen these 11-inch Dahlgrens throw three miles and a half; and yet we are asked to credit that, with the same charge at less than half a mile, one of the shells fell upon the deck of the privateer. There are eleven marines in the crew of the Kearsarge; probably the story was made for them.

THE REPORTED FIRING UPON THE ALABAMA AFTER HER SURRENDER.

Captain Semmes makes the following statement in his official report:

“Although we were now but four hundred yards from each other, the enemy fired upon me five times after my colors had been struck. It is charitable to suppose that a ship-of-war of a Christian nation could not have done this in-. tentionally.”

A very nice appeal after the massacre of Fort Pillow, especially when coming from a man who has spent the previous two years of his life in destroying unresisting merchantmen.

The captain of the Kearsarge was never aware of the Alabama having struck until a boat put off from her to his own vessel. Prisoners subsequently stated that she had fired a lee-gun; but the fact was not known on board the federal ship, nor that the colors were hauled down in token of surrender. A single fact will prove the humanity with which Captain Winslow conducted the fight. At [Page 247] the close of the action his deck, was found to be literally covered with grape and canister, ready for close quarters; but he had never used a single charge of all this during the contest, although within capital range for employing it.

THE FEELING AFTER THE BATTLE.

The wounded of the two vessels were transferred shortly after the action to the naval hospital at Cherbourg. I paid a visit to that establishment on the Sunday following the engagement, and found the sufferers lying in comfortable beds alongside each other in a long and admirably ventilated ward on the first floor. Poor Gowan, who died the following Tuesday, was in great pain, and already had the seal of death upon his face. James McBeath, a young fellow of apparently twenty years, with a compound fracture of the leg, chatted with much animation; while Dempsey, the stump of his right arm laid on the pillow, was comfortably smoking a cigar, and laughing and talkipg with one of the Alabama crew, in the bed alongside him. The wounded men of the sunken privateer were unmistakably English in physiognomy, and I failed to discover any who were not countrymen of ours. I conversed with all of them, stating at the outset that I was an Englishman like themselves, and the infomation seemed to open their hearts to me. They represented themselves as very comfortable at the hospital; that everything they asked for was given to them, and that they were surprised at the kindness of the Kearsarge men who cpme to visit the establishment, when they were assured by their own officers before the action that foul treatment would only be shown them in the event of their capture. Condoling with one poor fellow who had his leg carried away by a shell, he remarked to me, “Ah! it serves me right; they won’t catch me fighting again without knowing what I’m fighting for.” “That’s me, too,” said another poor Englishman alongside him.

The paroled prisoners (four officers) on shore at Cherbourg evinced no hostility whatever to their captors, but were always on the friendliest of terms with them. All alike frequented the same hotel in the town, (curiously enough, “The Eagle,”) played billiards at the same cafe, and bought their pipes, cigars, and tobacco from the same pretty little brunette on the Quai du Port.

The following are the names of the officers and crew of the Alabama saved by the Kearsarge:

Francis L. Gait, of Virginia, assistant surgeon; Joseph Wilson, 3d lieutenant; Miles J. Freeman, engineer, Englishman; John W. Pundt, 3d assistant engineer; Benjamin L. McCaskey, boatswain; William Forrestall, quartermaster, Englishman; Thomas Potter, fireman, Englishman; Samuel Williams, fireman, Welshman; Patrick Bradley, fireman, Englishman; John Origin, fireman, Irishman; George Freemantle, Edgar Tripp, and John Neil, seamen, Englishmen; Thomas Winter, fireman, Englishman; Martin King, seaman; Joseph Pearson, seaman, James Hicks, captain hold, R. Parkinson, wardroom steward, John Emory, seaman, Thomas L. Parker, boy, and Peter Hughes, captain top, Englishmen.

(All the above belonged to the Alabama when she first sailed from the Mersey, and John Neil, John Emory, and Peter Hughes belong to the “Royal Naval Reserve.”)

William Clark, David Leggett, Samuel Henry, John Russell, John Smith, Henry McCoy, Edward Bussell, James Ochure, John Casen, Henry Higgin, Frank Hammond, Michael Shields, David Thurston, George Peasey, and Henry Yates, seamen; Henry Godsen, David Williams, Henry Hestlake, Thomas Watson, John Johnson, Match Maddock, Richard Evans, William Miller, George Cousey, and Thomas Brandon, ordinary seamen; William McKensie, James Broderick, and William Wilson, cockswains; Edward Rawes, [Page 248] master-at-arms; Henry Tucker, officers’ cook; William Barnes, quarter-gunner; Jacob Verbor, seaman; Robert Wright, captain main-top; William McGuire, captain fore-top, and William McGinley, cockswain, wounded; John Benson and James McGuire, coal-heavers; Frank Ourrian, Peter Laperty, and John Riley, firemen; Nicolas Adams, landsman; James Clemens, yeoman; James Wilson, boy.

These men, almost without exception, are subjects of her Majesty the Queen. There were also three others, who died in the boats, names not known.

The following are those reported to have been killed or drowned :

David Herbert Llewellyn, surgeon, Welshman; William Robinson, carpenter; James King, master-at-arms, Savannah pilot; Peter Duncan, fireman, Englishman; Andrew Shillings, Scotchman; Charles Puist, coal-passer, German; Frederick Johns, purser’s steward, Englishman; Samuel Henry, seaman, Englishman; John Roberts, seaman, Welshman; Peter Henry, seaman, Irishman; George Appleby, yeoman, Englishman; A. G. Bartelli, seaman, Portuguese; Henry Fisher, seaman, Englishman.

The above all belonged to the original crew of the Alabama.

The Deerhound carried off, according to her own account, forty-one; the names of the following are known :

Raphael Semmes, captain; John M. Kell, 1st lieutenant; Arthur Sinclair, jr., 2d lieutenant; R. K. Howell, lieutenant of marines; (this person is brother-in-law of Mr. Jefferson Davis;) W. H. Sinclair, midshipman; J. S. Bullock, acting master; E. A. Maffit and E. M. Anderson, midshipmen; M. O’Brien, 3d assistant surgeon; George T. Fullam, master’s mate, Englishman; James Evans, Max Meulnier, and J. Schrader, master’s mates; W. B. Smith, captain’s clerk; J. O. Cuddy, gunner; J. G. Dent, quartermaster; James McFadgen, fireman, Englishman; Orran Duffy, fireman, Irishman; W. Crawford, Brent Johnson, 2d boatswain’s mate, William Nevins, and William Hearn, seamen, Englishmen.

The last four belong to the “Royal Naval Reserve.”

MOVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH YACHT DEERHOUND.

That an English yacht, one belonging to the royal yacht squadron, and flying the white ensign, too, during the conflict, should have assisted the confederate prisoners to escape after they had formally surrendered themselves, according to their own statement, by firing a lee-gun, striking their colors, hoisting a white flag, and sending a boat to the Kearsarge—some of which signals must have been witnessed from the deck of the Deerhound—is most humiliating to the national honor. The movements of the yacht.early on Sunday morning were, as before shown, most suspicious; and had Captain Winslow followed the advice and reiterated requests of his officers when she steamed off, the Deerhound might now have been lying not far distant from the Alabama. Captain Winslow, however, could not believe that a gentleman who was asked by himself “to save life” would use the opportunity to decamp with the officers and men who, according to their own act, were prisoners-of-war. There is high presumptive evidence that the Deerhound was at Cherbourg for the express purpose of rendering every assistance possible to the corsair; and we may be permitted to doubt whether Mr. Lancaster, the friend of Mr. Laird, and a member of the Mersey Yacht Club, would have carried Captain Winslow and his officers to Southampton if the result of the struggle had been reversed, and the Alabama had sent the Kearsarge to the bottom.

The Deerhound reached Cherbourg on the 17th of June, and between that time and the night of the 18th boats were observed from the shore passing frequently between her and the Alabama. It is reported that English gunners came over from England purposely to assist the privateer in the fight; this I heard before leaving London, and the assertion was repeated to me again at [Page 249] Havre, Honfleur, Cherbourg, and Paris. If this be the fact, how did the men reach Cherbourg? On the 14th of June, Captain Semmes sends his challenge to the Kearsarge through Monsieur Bonfils, stating it to be his intention to fight her “as soon as I can make the necessary arrangements.” Two full days elapse, during which he takes on board 150 tons additional of coal, and places for security in the custom-house the following valuables :

38 kilo. 700 gr. of gold coin.

6 gr. of jewelry and set diamonds.

2 gold watches.

What, then, became of the pillage of a hundred merchantmen, the chronometers, &c, which the Times describes as the “spolia opima of a whole mercantile fleet?” Those could not be landed on French soil, and were not; did they go to the bottom with the ship herself, or are they saved?

Captain Semmes’s preparations are apparently completed on the 16th, but still he lingers behind the famous breakwater, much to the surprise of his men. The Deerhound arrives at length, and the preparations are rapidly completed. How unfortunate that Mr. Lancaster did not favor the Times with a copy of his log-book from the 12th to the 19th June, inclusive!

The record of the Deerhound is suggestive on the morning of that memorable Sunday. She steams out from behind the Cherbourg breakwater at an early hour—scouts hither and thither, apparently purposeless—runs back to her anchorage—precedes the Alabama to sea—is the solitary and close spectator of the fight whilst the Couronne has the delicacy to return to port, and finally— having picked up Semmes, thirteen of his officers and a few of his men— steams off at fullest speed to Southampton, leaving the “apparently much disabledKearsarge (Mr. Lancaster’s own words) to save two-thirds of the Alabama’s drowning crew struggling in the water.

An English gentleman’s yacht playing tender to a corsair! No one will ever believe that Deerhound to be thoroughbred.

CONCLUSION.

Such are the facts relating to the memorable action off Cherbourg on the 19th of June, 1864. The Alabama went down riddled through and through with shot; and, as she sank beneath the green waves of the channel, not a single cheer arose from the victors. The order was given, “Silence, boys,” and in perfect silence this terror of American commerce plunged to her last resting-place.

There is but one key to the victory. The two vessels were, as nearly as possible, equals in size, speed, armament, and crew, and the contest was decided by the superiority of the Xl-inch Dahlgren gun of the Kearsarge over the Blakely rifle and the vaunted 68-pounder of the Alabama, in conjunction with the greater coolness and surer aim of the former’s crew. The Kearsarge was not, as represented, specially armed and manned for destroying her foe, but is in every respect similar to all the vessels of her class (third-rate) in the United States navy. Moreover, the large majority of her officers are from the merchant service.

The French at Cherbourg were by no means dilatory in recognizing the value of these Dahlgren guns. Officers of all grades, naval and military alike, crowded the vessel during her stay at their port; and they were all eyes for the massive pivots, and for nothing else. Guns, carriages, even rammers and sponges, were carefully measured; and, if the pieces can be made in France, many months will not elapse before their muzzles will be grinning through the port-holes of French ships-of-war.

We have no such gun in Europe as this Xl-inch Dahlgren, but it is considered behind the age in America. The 68-pounder is regarded by us as a [Page 250] heavy piece; in the United States it is the minimum for large vessels; whilst some ships, the New Ironsides, Niagara, Vanderbilt, &c., carry the Xl-inch in broadside. It is considered far too light, .however, for the sea-going iron-clads, although throwing a solid shot of 160 pounds; yet it has made a wonderful stir on both sides of the channel. What, then, will be thought of the XV-inch gun throwing a shot of 480 pounds, or of the 200 lb. Parrott, with its range of five miles ?

We are arming our iron-clads with 9-inch smooth-bores and 100-pounder rifles, whilst the Americans are constructing their armor-ships to resist the impact of XI and XV-inch shot. By next June the United States will have in commission the following iron-clads:

Tons. Guns.
Dunderburg 5,090 10
Dictator 3,033 2
Kalamazoo 3,200 4
Passaconaway 3,200 4
Puritan 3,265 4
Quinsigamond 3,200 4
Roanoke 3,435 6
Shakamaxon 3,200 4

These, too, without counting six others of second class, all alike armed with the tremendous XV-inch, and built to cross the Atlantic in any season. But it is not in iron-clads alone that America is proving her energy; first, second, and third-rates, wooded-built, are issuing constantly from trans-Atlantic yards, and the navy of the United States now numbers no less than six hundred vessels and upwards, seventy-three of which are iron-clads.

This is indeed an immense fleet for one nation, but we may at all events rejoice that it will be used to defend—in the words of the wisest and noblest of English statesmen—“the democratic principle; or, if that term is offensive, popular sovereignty.”

  1. The Kearsarge has a four-bladed screw diameter 12 feet 9 inches, with a pitch of 20 feet.
  2. The Career of the Alabama, “No 290,” from July 29, 1862, to June 19, 1864. London: Dorrell & Son.
  3. There was nothing whatever between the chain and the ship’s sides.
  4. Including three dead.
  5. The Kearsarge started on her present cruise the 4th of February, 1862 ; the Alabama left the Mersey at the end of July following.
  6. This information was incorrect. No such statement was ever made by the consul of the United States at Cherbourg.
  7. The following is the copy of the log of the Kearsarge on the day in question:

    June 19, 1864, from 8 to merid.

    Moderate breeze from the westward, weather b. c. At 10, inspected crew at quarters. At 10.20, discovered the Alabama steaming out from the port of Cherbourg, accompanied by a French iron-clad steamer, and a fore-and aft rigged steamer showing the white English ensign and a yacht flag. Beat to general quarters, and cleared the ship for action. Steamed ahead standing off shore. At 10.50, being distant from the land about two leagues, altered our course, and approached the Alabama. At 10.57, the Alabama commenced the action with her starboard broadside at 1,000 yards range At 11, we returned her fire, and came fairly into action, which we continued until merid., when observing signs of distress in the enemy, together with a cessation of her fire, our fire was withheld. At 12 10, a boat with an officer from the Alabama came alongside and surrendered his vessel, with the information that she was rapidly sinking, and a request for assistance. Sent the launch and second cutter, the other boats being disabled by the fire of the enemy. The English yacht befoie mentioned, coming within hail, was requested by the captain (W.) to render assistance in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the surrendered vessel. At 2.24, the Alabama went down in forty fathoms of water, leaving most of the crew struggling in the water. Seventy persons were rescued by the boats; two pilot-boats and the yacht also assisted. One pilot-boat came alongside us, but the other returned to the port. The yacht steamed rapidly away to the northward, without reporting the number of our prisoners she had picked up.

    JAMES S. WHEELER, Acting Master.

  8. Captain Winslow has long been a citizen of Massachusetts.