Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: It may be recollected that in my despatch No. 693, of the 19th of May, I referred to some representations made in the London newspapers of a combination about to be made between the three great powers of Russia and Germany for their mutual defence.
Within the past week a number of papers have found their way into the columns of the Morning Post, purporting to be translations of official communications between these parties relating to this subject. In a very singular little production that has appeared here irregularly during the sitting of the conference, and which, under the aspect of a jesting journal, has given evidence of a graver purpose, not less than of access to high sources of authority, there came out the other day what is averred to have been the form of a treaty now under the consideration of those powers in order to carry out their object.
These publications have created a sensation all over Europe. The genuineness of some of the papers has been promptly denied by the governments of Prussia and Austria in a manner to try to throw discredit upon the whole. Yet it is certain that the belief in the substantial correctness of the intelligence they communicate has not been shaken. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, in referring to them the other evening in his place in the House of Lords, acknowledged that he had, before their publication, seen the papers in manuscript in French, in the hands of a person of respectability whom he did not name. If genuine, the fact that they have been surreptitiously obtained cannot be doubted. On the other hand, if not genuine, the British government has the power to say so, if it chooses, at least to the extent to which reference is made to reported conferences with one of its members. From the reticence thus far, as well as the fact of the selection of the presses in which the publications have been made, there is reason to suspect that they attach more or less of faith to them. Inasmuch as Lord Stratford proposes to question them more particularly hereafter, it is likely that better means will soon be furnished with which to arrive at a more certain conclusion.
In any event, if such a plan should have been in agitation, in any form, the effect of this publication will probably be to render perseverance in it impossible. It cannot but be regarded by France as altogether too minatory not to call for some immediate policy of counteraction. A union with this country is naturally its first resource. In that event the theory of non-intervention broached here so gravely would be likely to receive a strain in its infancy which might prove far more than it could bear. Great Britain has too much at stake outside of the little island to be able to play the part of an unconcerned spectator of formidable movements of the great powers, either in the east or in the west.
The movement is deeply interesting. I shall endeavor to keep you informed, so far as I can, of all the events as they may develop themselves at this point.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.