Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I am under great obligations to you for the observations contained in your respective despatches; No. 1063, 1068, and 1070, all relating to the general condition of the country, as it is passing through the vicissitudes of its present great trial.
So marvellous has been the steadfastness of the great majority of the people in thus far upholding the only policy which can insure to them security against a recurrence of the difficulties in which they found themselves involved at the outset of this administration, that it would be occasion of profound regret if they should in any moment of discouragement give way so far as to hazard the great results for which they are contending. I cannot disguise from myself the fact that their enemies, both at home and abroad, are counting with great eagerness upon the possibility of such an issue. From this distant point of view, the combinations and intrigues to bring about such an end appear perhaps with more clearness than they do at home, in the midst of the popular agitation and bustle of the war. It is the hope of attaining it which nerves the arm of the enemy to resist as long as possible at Richmond, Atlanta, and everywhere else. It is the desire of seeing it that stimulates the sympathizers on this side of the ocean to promote it by all the aid, direct and indirect, which can be given from here. Conscious on all sides that the last stake in the game is now playing, it is not to be wondered at that the demonstration should take large proportions and a formidable appearance.
[Page 291]A single writer who addressed a letter to one of the local newspapers in this country, which casually fell under my eye, gave in a few words the sense of a large and prevailing class all over Europe. He uttered a confident hope that the great snake would be cut in halves, and perhaps afterwards into smaller. pieces, so that it would never afterwards be dangerous.
If the people of the United States were in a situation to fasten their attention upon this precise view of the case as closely as from my stand-point I am able to do, I think there would be little chance of their failing for one moment to adhere to their policy; the malignant wish of enemies would find no fulfilment in any co-operative act of theirs. I do not permit myself for a moment to suppose such a thing possible. The real danger to which they appear to be exposed is that of failing to harmonize on secondary questions of men and things to a degree sufficient to break the full force of their moral power at a moment when it should be most effectually exerted.
If I do not greatly misconceive the nature of the various indications of the popular sentiment as they now come from America, I venture to express the belief that the war will come to an end at the close of the present presidential term. But the question whether it will terminate with the acquisition of all the objects for which it has been thus far waged by the United States, or with the loss of these objects and the risk of renewal at a future day, must be decided by the voluntary act of the people before that time.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.