Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: The past week has been marked by a good deal of agitation in the political and moneyed circles of this metropolis.
One of the most curious of the phenomena developed has been the appearance of the London Times on Monday morning, assuring the public that peace was safe, whilst simultaneously the Post issued a leader, bearing a distinct official mark upon it, that sounded a clear note of imminent danger of war. This is the second time, within a few days, that the Times has evidently not been the press favored with the latest official intelligence at headquarters.
In the mean time the language of the press is becoming sharply denunciatory of Prussia and Austria. It was announced yesterday that the channel fleet was under sailing orders, and that arrangements were making to organize a corps of several thousand men, with suitable equipment for foreign service. This is one of the modes of action customary with Lord Palmerston, when he has an idea that he may, by means of it, be able to prevent a war. We can all remember the extravagant extent to which it was carried in the Trent case. The expedient sometimes serves its purpose; but when it fails, war is precipitated by it.
In order fully to comprehend these local movements, it is necessary to bear in mind the fact that Parliament is about to assemble for the despatch of business next week. In the Quarterly Review for this month has appeared an elaborate and able article reviewing the Danish question, which is not unfairly to be presumed to sound the key-note of the opposition on that subject It is decisive and unequivocal as to the course which England should pursue. Notices, understood to be somewhat more than formal, have been issued to the members of the respective parties to be present at the opening. The inference is, that a point is to be made, if the ministry fail to come up to the war mark.
With these data, it is easy to see through the sudden energy shown by Lord Palmerston.
At the same time the rumors are general and uncontradicted of a decided difference of feeling in the royal family on this question. The Queen is German in race and in her marriage affinities. It may be that the whole of this ministry will not be brought up to the mark required by Lord Palmerston. Should the case become very grave, some may reluct at plunging, into an illimitable area of expense. Should it so happen, the effect will doubtless be to lead to a reconstruction of the cabinet on mixed principles, and an appeal to the people in the heat of war fever. By such means Lord Palmerston could doubtless succeed in once more turning a difficult corner, and establishing himself in a new Parliament, on a basis which would last during the remainder of his political career.
The other event of the week is the speech of Mr. Bright at Rochdale, a report of which in the Times I transmit herewith. As a premonitory symptom of what is to create the party divisions of the future in this country, it is quite significant. Perhaps there is no individual who is looked upon with a greater mixture of apprehension and dislike by the privileged classes than he. It is to the fearless and persevering manner with which he holds up the example of the United States that much of the hostility to us which has animated them during this struggle is due. His extraordinary felicity as a speaker renders him much too formidable to be laughed or sneered down—the common mode of rubbing out Unpleasant obstacles. Hence the attempt of the Times the mouth piece of his enemies, to sap his power by sheer and wanton perversion of his language—an old trick, which seldom obtains more than a temporary [Page 120] success, at a heavy ultimate expense. The very moment the war comes to an end, and a restoration of the Union follows, it will be the signal for a reaction that will make Mr. Bright, perhaps, the most formidable public man in England. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward Secretary of State, Washington D. C.