Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.
Sir: The illness of a member of my family, at Auburn, withdrew me from this city from the 2d until the 9th of November. The acknowldgements by the outgoing mail of communications received during that interval must necessarily be imperfect.
Your despatch of the 23d of October (No. 523) has been received.
I have read the speeches of British statesmen to which you refer, and also some extraordinary speculations in a portion of the British press commonly supposed to be in the confidence of the government. It is perceived that, as the political season in London approaches, the old habit of speculating concerning our affairs, and foreign action upon them, is resumed in political circles. On the other hand, the President, upon the developments of the now closing year, has assumed that her Majesty’s government are willing and desirous to remain in relations of amity and friendship with the United States. We shall persevere in the course we have hitherto pursued of cultivating the friendship we so consistently cherish, unless we shall be obliged to change it by one of two events, neither of which we expect to happen; namely, first, that new hostile naval expeditions come out from British ports to make war upon us on the high seas, or in our ports; second, that Great Britain shall cease to recognize the sovereignty of the United States as it is now recognized. If neither of [Page LII] these events shall happen, we shall not only he content to leave to such British statesmen as choose to exercise it the indulgence of hostile declamation against our country, but we shall try, as we are now doing, to counteract here the resulting effects of such illiberal demonstrations. It would be a common misfortune, however, of the two countries, if this policy should be misunderstood in England, so as to induce a belief that the United States are disposed now to submit to what they have heretofore declared would be intolerable injuries on the part of any foreign power.
The progress of military operations in the several departments is, on the whole, not unsatisfactory. The elections for the year have closed with manifestations of confidence in the government, contrasting strongly with the despondency and distraction which attended the last meeting of Congress. Only one question seemingly agitated the public mind; namely, the principles in regard to slavery on which the federal authority shall be restored in the insurgent region. I have already told you that, in the President’s opinion, this question is as yet premature, because, as yet, neither of the insurgent States is actually asking restoration. I have now to add, that, according to present indications, the question, when it shall arise, is likely to be attended with much less difficulty than is now generally apprehended. It is, perhaps, the most gratifying result of the war for the Union that, wherever its flag advances, convictions of the importance of emancipation meet it. No desire for the restoration or the preservation of slavery is manifested by the citizens who adhere or re-accede to the Union. On the other hand, the friends of the Union in the insurrectionary States manifest an unequivocal determination, even before reorganizing the State governments, to suppress slavery as an institution now proven to be economically useless and politically dangerous and revolutionary. We are, therefore, likely to find no slavery to contend with, when the war for the Union has come to an end. On the whole, we can now contrast our prospects with those of Europe without dissatisfaction.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c, &c.